The Hidden World of Symbols

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Who Are the Illuminati: The Secret Societies, Symbols, Bloodlines and the New World Order (Unabridged)

Frank White

Publisher Description

Hidden behind the veil of their secret society the group known as the Illuminati have still managed to garner great attention and acclaim. They have been blamed for everything imaginable such as being the igniting force behind the French Revolution and being the real masterminds behind the 9/11 attacks. They have even been credited with assassinating both Presidents Lincoln and Kennedy, because these two celebrated presidents made the unfortunate mistake of trying to usurp their unquestionable power.

The so called conspiracy theorists say that they are hell bent on ushering in their new world order which consists of the establishment of a one world government, a one world army and destroying the sovereignty of every nation. They are said to be implementing their New World Order through organizations they are identified with as being part of like The Bilderberg Group, The Council on Foreign Relations, The Trilateral Commission, The Club of Rome and many others. There are prominent families who are also said to be part of the Illuminati like the Rockefellers and the Rothschilds. But are these assertions valid? Does popular society have it right or have they simply misunderstood this secret group? Have they been given a bad rap?

In his revealing book entitled

Who Are the Illuminati: The Secret Societies, Symbols, Bloodlines and the New World Order author Frank White takes a critical look at this powerful underground secret society, who they are and what their intentions are in a world filled with scorn for them. He explores not only the true facts about the group, but also the urban legends attributed to them, some of which are true and others of which have been greatly exaggerated. For example, do they really control the world and everyone else are just slaves to their whims and madness? Do they have a stranglehold on the entertainment and music industries and are the popular stars just puppets carrying out their agenda to the masses? Did they really order the murder of pop superstar Michael Jackson? These questions and many more will be answered in this explosive book.


Darkness is a symbol of evil or mystery or fear. The darkness is almost a monster waiting to swallow you whole. It is the absence of light. Scientifically it is only possible to have a reduced amount of light. The emotional response to an absence of light has inspired metaphor in literaturesymbolism in art, and emphasis. The story of the Light versus the Darkness is one that everyone thinks that they know. The Light is good and the Dark is bad. However, this is too broad of a generalization, for not all of those who follow the Light can be considered to be “good,” and many good people do indeed follow the Dark—you may even know a few yourself.

Underneath all of the issues the Light and the Dark are very simple. It simply has to do with one’s personal point of view. A person who sees the world as a bad place, who sees nothing good anywhere he or she turns, and who thinks that there is no hope of anything better is someone who has a “dark” mind. These people are not necessarily followers of the Dark, but they ARE the basis of that particular orientation. On the other hand, a person who has a positive outlook on life, who tries to find the good in everything, and who often tries to point out that the world is not as bad as people think is a person who is of the Light. Neither one of these ways of thinking is necessarily right or wrong, and both can make good arguments for their own point of view, which is where, ultimately, the problem lies.

Over the years, all of the wars and conflicts that have taken place for anything other than land disputes have been somehow in the form of Light against Dark (in the universe of Firefly Cross, not necessarily always true in our own history). People who had extreme opinions on either side would spark up problems. Once the problems had begun, other people who would normally have been more in the middle, would choose one side or the other based on their opinions at that time, and wars would develop. This is how the whole problem began. The designations of “Light” and “Dark” began to be used to differentiate between the two sides, for “good and evil” were not appropriate since neither side was good and neither side was evil. For it is true that too much light can do as much or more harm than too much darkness, and wherever you find one, the other must surely exist. They are exact opposites, but there will never be one without the other, they must balance each other.

As a quick explination of these two sides as they related to the different conflicts that arose:

Dark: Followers of the Dark with be those with very pessimistic attitudes. They find fault with everything in the world, and humans are one of the greatest sources of those faults. They like to use creatures that aren’t human and can be easily controlled, giving anyone too much freedom is a recipe for disaster in their eyes. The negative aspect of the Dark’s view is that nothing positive can ever come from it, there are always more and more problems to solve, the world is never a good enough place for them. A leader of the Dark may try to conquer the world in order to force his view on how things should be done upon the people, in other words conquer in the name of an idea. (Such as Hitler and the Nazis attempted—there were many people who saw them as heros, and as the Christians acted in the Crusades.)

After Fate took control of these conflicts, they started to be more organized and simple. With the power that Fate had given to each side, there were fewer people just “in the middle.” Everyone chose one side or another to be behind this power. There were fewer “innocents” in the struggles. As the power on each side began to grow, creatures of magic began to appear that were created by and would supplement the power of each side. For the Light, the creatures that were created included the likes of unicorns, nymphs, and dryads. Darklings were creatures such as vampires and werewolves. After a time, it became possible to gauge the power of the Light and the Dark based on how many of these creatures existed.

It so happened that after Fate took over, the Light began to win almost every battle against the Dark. This was due mainly to the Dark’s negative outlook, they were constantly underestimating the Light, while the Light’s positive outlook gave them confidence in every battle. This is when the concepts of Dark and Light as evil and good began to emerge. People thought that the “good” would always triumph. Even so, this angered the agents of the Dark, and eventually pushed them to take actions which concluded with the control of the battle outside of Fate’s total control. (see the page on the history in order to get this in more detail. This is where the two pages begin to cross information.)

Once Fate began to lose control, everything began to change. All the centuries of control after the initial chaos broke down, and the conflicts became more chaotic than they had ever been. Since Fate’s control still had some influence over the Dark, she was able to hold them together fairly well, but the Light began to fall apart, and when a foolish keeper was chosen, the Light was finally defeated…and it was to remain defeated from that day on.

In the present time of Firefly Cross, the Dark has ruled from more than a thousand years, and their power has only grown in all that time. The people of this world are very cynical, and cannot seem to see the good in anything. The Light has become nearly non-existent. All of the creatures of the Light, Unicorns and such, have long since gone extinct, and all that remains of the Light’s power is Chaerius (the dragon), Ra’yl (the guardian), and the sword, Ra’grathon. Fate has charged these few and their new keeper with an important task. Their role is not to be victorious, for the Light does not have enough power for that to be possible, but they are to try to bring the conflict back under Fate’s control. They are to stop the Dark and reduce their power to that of the Light, so that it all may begin again. 


Ancient Symbols and their meanings

Secret Society Symbols

Secret societies were and still are popular around the world. From the ancient Greeks to the Freemasons, secret societies have become a part of history and have influenced politicians and presidents. Most secret societies have symbols that are only known to their members. Here is a list of some secret society symbols.

Secret Society Symbols

Elk Symbol

Symbol of pride, guardianship, stamina, and strength

Elk symbolism comes from Native Americans. It was believed that the elk protected women and would lead them home if they were captured by enemies. Elks were symbols of bravery and were used as a symbol for the warrior’s societies. The Benevolent and Protective Order of the Elks is a secret society that was founded in 1868. It was originally a social club in New York City. The society originally was only composed of white men and only later admitted people of colour and women. The Benevolent and Protective Order of the Elks helps many charities, youth programs, and veterans. Its symbol is an elk superimposed on the face of a clock that reads 11:00. There is a red star above the elk. The eleven o’clock significance goes back to one of the founding members, Charles Richardson. He was born and raised in England and then moved to New York City. In England, people would raise their glasses at 11:00 as a remembrance of the Battle of Hastings in 1066. After the battle, a curfew was put into place that started at 11:00. The 11th hour also suggests the eve of battle. It is also the Hour of Recollection and members of the club who have died are remembered at that time. While a red star signifies communism, communists were barred from the group. The star represents unity and the elk represents pride, strength, and guardianship.

Elk Secret Society

Because people of colour were not admitted into the original Elk society, the Improved Benevolent and Protective Order of the Elks of the World was formed in 1897. Their symbol is an elk running on the globe. This symbolizes protection, stamina, and guardianship throughout the world. This organization was founded by B.F. Howard and Arthur J. Riggs. They wanted to form a branch of the Elk’s society but were denied because they were people of colour. They formed their own society instead and it is still active today. They have 500,00 members in 1500 lodges worldwide. This order also helps charities, youth programs, and veterans. They provide spiritual and financial support to their communities. Members wear a ring with an Elk on it. Above the Elk is a five-pointed star surrounded by Roman numerals similar to a clock face. The letters BPOE appear under the Elk. The star symbol represents excellence and divine protection and guidance.

Skull and Bones Symbol

Symbol of death. The Skull and Bones secret society is found at Yale University. It was founded after a dispute between some debate societies at Yale. Its symbol is a skull and bones with the number 322 underneath. The skull symbolizes death and the number 322 symbolizes the death of the Greek orator Demosthenes. When he died Athens became a plutocracy and only rich people were considered citizens. Another name for the Skull and Bones is the Brotherhood of Death. The society was founded in 1832. The Skull and Bones meeting place is called the Tomb. The members are called Bonesmen and they are picked from the elite of Yale University. Until the 1970s the membership was white Protestant males with occasional males of other faiths or races. Females were finally permitted to join in 1992. The society has been known to steal from other societies and keeps its treasures, including human skulls, in the Tombs. Presidents and business people have been members of this secret society.

Skull and Bones Symbol
Skull and Bones Symbol

White Lotus Symbol

Symbol of mental purity, spiritual perfection, rebellion

The White Lotus Society was a secret society founded in AD 402 in China by a monk named Master Huiyuan and a group of like-minded monks. The group was named after a large lotus pond built by Master Huiyan. They observed the Buddhist’s five rules of discipline, they worshiped the Amitabha Buddha and illustrated the teachings through pictures and drawings. The White Lotus Society also encouraged men and women to intermingle which was not done during those times. Later the society took on a millenarian aspect when the members started to believe that the Buddha would return to the Earth and bring mankind salvation. They brought about the destruction of the Yuan Dynasty. The following Yuan government banished the society. Over the next decades, secret societies were made illegal and then legal again. The White Lotus Rebellion which lasted from 1796 – 1804, was brought about by the White Lotus Society. The Qing government quashed the rebellion but not before the members diminished the wealth of the Qing government and weakened its power. Up until 1912 people associated with the White Lotus Society could be served and processed.

White Lotus

Green Ribbon Symbol

Symbol of agriculture, activism

The Ribbon Society was a secret society formed by poor Catholics in Ireland. They formed in contrast to the Protestant Orange Order which was founded to oppose Catholicism. The Ribbon Society called its members Ribbonmen. They were formed to help poor farmers and tenant workers in 19th century Ireland. They were active from 1835-1855. During that time, the landlords of the farms would just kick farmers and tenants out of their houses. They raised taxes beyond what people were able to pay. The Ribbon Society members would attack the process and tithe servers. The Ribbonmen and Orange men clashed in a number of confrontations ending in some deaths. The Ribbonmen wore a green ribbon in their lapel as a symbol of their membership in the society. Green is the colour of Ireland and agriculture. It is symbolic of the earth and activism. The Ribbon Society met in lodges in secret to plan and organize the tenants and farmers in rebellion. They helped establish the policy of Tenant’s Rights.

Green Ribbon
Green Ribbon

Crocodile Symbol

Symbol of power, death, and rebirth. The Neegee Crocodile Society in West Africa is a cannibalistic secret society. They are mostly located in Libya and have been there since the 1800s. The Negee Crocodile Society takes people and eats them to appease the crocodile god and gain power. They believe that eating a person gives them magical powers to help them transform into crocodiles. This group is called the Crocodile Society because their members usually live near water. The members dive underwater with the help of a gourd and wax in their nostrils, and knock over canoes or take people from the edge of the water and drag them underneath the water as a crocodile does to its prey. After killing them, the members imbibe on the person’s flesh. To become a member of this society, a person must sacrifice a family member. This society was believed to still be active in the mid-2000s.

Red Spear Symbol

Symbol of protection, anti-government.

The Red Spear Society was founded in the 1920s in Northern China. This society challenged government control in Northern China. Buddhist monks usually led the Red Spear Society and they carried red spears into battle. The red symbolized protection against disaster. The Red Spear Society was formed to help protect tenants from warlords, bandits, tax collectors, Japanese, and Chinese communists. From 1928-1929 the Red Spear Society rose up against Liu Zhennian, the Nationalist warlord ruler. Liu raised taxes and his army brutalized the tenants. The Red Spear Society rose up to protest the way the tenants were being treated. While they won some skirmishes and managed to set up their own proto-state, the rebellion was eventually crushed by Liu. It was believed that over 3 million people participated in the Red Spear Society.

Yellow Sand Symbol

Symbol of protection and anti-government.

The Yellow Sand Society was a secret society founded in China in the early 1900s. The Yellow Sand Society was a millennial group that believed the only members of the Yellow Sand Society would be spared in the upcoming armageddon around 1919. They were against government intrusion and increasing taxation. They were involved in many uprisings but were usually crushed. When the People’s Republic of China was formed, they outlawed secret societies, but there were still active members of the Yellow Sand Society into the 1980s. The Yellow Sand Society wanted to restore the idyllic Ming Dynasty. They believed through magic, that they were immune to gunfire. They carried a yellow flag during uprisings. The Yellow Sand Society wanted a reign of happiness and justice for all people.

Rosy Cross Symbol

Symbol of consciousness, education, knowledge.

The Rosicrucians were a secret society formed in Europe in the early 17th century. They believed in a universal reformation of mankind. Their main symbol was a rosy cross symbol. This was a calvary cross with a rose in the middle. This symbol first appeared in Byzantine and was adopted by the group. Some people believed that the cross was a representation of the human body and the rose symbolized the opening of the consciousness. Christian Rosenkrutz formed a small circle of friends in 1407 who agreed to help the sick without receiving payment and maintain a secret fellowship. This was the foundation of the Rosicrucians. Manifestos were written by Rosicrucians about astrology, philosophy, and alchemy. These manifestos helped promote and expand the group throughout Europe. The Rosicrucians were the foundation for many other secret societies later in Europe, some of which are still active today.

Rosy Cross
Rosy Cross

Square and Compass Symbol

Symbol of morality.

The Freemason Society was established in the 14th century by local stonemasons. They have different degree levels that include: Apprentice, Journeyman/Fellowcraft, and Master Mason. As they progress through these levels they learn new information about the Freemasons and are trusted with different responsibilities. The Freemasons meet in private lodges where they bestow degrees on their members and listen to lectures about Masonic history. They are guarded by an armed swordsman at the door who is there to keep non-members out of the lodge. The Freemasons’ main symbol is the square and compass symbol. The square symbolizes squaring their actions by a square of virtue to all mankind. The compass symbolized how to conduct yourself within certain boundaries. Put together, the square and compass symbol symbolizes wisely conducting actions within boundaries. The Freemasons support charitable causes that contribute to health, education, and old age. The Freemasons are sworn to secrecy about their society and symbols.

Square and Compass Symbol
Square and Compass Symbol

Hatchet Symbol

Symbol of survival, power.

The Carbonari were a secret society in Italy. Their name means charcoal burners and they were founded by charcoal burners in the 18th century. They called their meeting place a baracca which is a hut. The interior of the baracca was called the vendita which is a coal-burning term meaning the place for selling coal. The members were called good cousins and non-members were called heathens. The members consisted of apprentices and masters. The masters wore a small hatchet signifying their rank and were bound to secrecy about the Carbonari. They organized to establish a constitutional government and defeat tyranny. They also defended the common people against tyranny. They rose against King Ferdinand I in Italy in 1820. Because of this uprising King Ferdinand I agreed to a new constitution. The rebellion was beaten down and the Pope excommunicated members of the Carbonari. In 1831 they rose up again in support of Duke Francis IV of Modena. The leader of this uprising was arrested and condemned to death before the uprising could take place. The Carbonari continued until 1848. They were an influence to other secret societies that arose afterward in Italy.

Double Leaf Symbol

Symbol of growth.

The Double Leaf Society was founded in Japan in the 1920s. It was a secret military society composed of majors and colonels who had graduated from the Imperial Japanese Army Academy. They wanted to oust Choshu elements from the Imperial Army who held higher ranks. Because the Coshu had been given these ranks, the members of the Double Leaf Society were less likely to be granted higher leadership roles. The Double Leaf Society also hoped to prepare the Army system for national mobilization. The members of the Double Leaf Society ended up merging with another secret military society.

Black Dragon Symbol

Symbol of nationalism, vengeance.

The Black Dragon Society was a secret nationalistic military society in Japan founded in 1901 by martial artist Uchida Ryohei. Their goal was to keep the Russian Empire out of East Asia. Its members included high ranking military officials, Cabinet members, and secret agents. They were in charge of an espionage training school that trained spies to spy on Russia. The members of the Black Dragon Society were active in the Russo-Japanese war as spies and assassins. They also waged a successful psychological war against the Russians. The Black Dragon Society formed alliances with different Buddhist sects. In 1946 the Black Dragon Society was disbanded.

Black Dragon Symbol
Black Dragon Symbol

Owl Symbol

Symbol of knowledge.

The Bavarian Illuminati was a secret society that was founded by Adam Weishaupt in Germany. The society lasted from 1776-1785 although some people believe it is still around today. The Illuminati believed in Enlightenment ideals. Weishaupt wanted to promote those ideals throughout the German elite. He hoped that the new members would be well versed in philanthropy, reason, and other more secular values so they could spread their influence in politics. Members of the Illuminati would infiltrate other secret societies, such as the Freemasons, in order to recruit people to their society. The members of the Illuminati wanted to infiltrate and overturn the monarchical rule. Eventually, the Illuminati hoped to take over the world. They used many bizarre means to keep their identities secret including spy-like protocols. One of the Illuminati’s symbols was an owl on top of a book encircled by laurel leaves. These symbols together mean the victory of knowledge over religion. The Illuminati was disbanded in 1785 when Karl Theodor, the Duke of Bavaria outlawed secret societies. After they disbanded their myth still lives on. They were accused of infiltrating the Freemasons and were accused of being behind the French Revolution. George Washington mentioned the Illuminati in a letter that kept the society and secrets alive in America.

Bavarian Illuminati Owl
Bavarian Illuminati Owl

Horse rider Symbol

Symbol of wealth, sportsmanship.

The Bullingdon Club was established in 1780 at Oxford University. It was started as a sporting club that was dedicated to horse-racing and cricket. Members of the Bullingdon Club are known for extravagant meals and destruction. Their uniforms are expensive and tailored. The president of the club is referred to as the General. He presents the winner’s cup at an annual horse race. The symbol for the Bullingdon Club is a rider on horseback playing cricket with a flag and the letters BC included. The horseback rider symbolizes wealth and power. Members of the Bullingdon Club have gone on to be prominent politicians and members of society.

Red Cross Symbol

Symbol of charity and martyrdom.

The Knights Templar were a secret society dedicated to helping Christians on their pilgrimage to the Holy Land. They were active during the Crusades. Members of the Knights Templar pledged obedience, poverty, and chastity. They abstained from alcohol, swearing, and gambling. They formed a bank with pilgrim’s money and loaned money to kings. Their symbol was a red cross which is a symbol of charity and martyrdom. The three ranks of Knights Templar included the noble knights, the non-nobel sergeants, and chaplains. In order to join the rank of knights, members had to have already been knighted. The Knights Templar were founded by Hugues de Payens in 1118. He was the first Grand Master who oversaw the whole operation including the financial operations and the military operations. Their surcoat and mantle each bore the symbol of the red cross. The order of the Knights Templar was dissolved in 1312.

Red Cross
Red Cross


   To a child, signs and symbols emerge in the consciousness prior to an understanding of governing rules. Children see the world in deeply symbolic terms. We teach children through signs and symbols, red means hot, blue means cold, an arrow means to go this way or that, etc. The physical world is discovered through tactile sensation; the feel of a mother’s breast, the touch of a bare foot on wet grass, the way food feels on the lips. All the senses combine to create the initial response vocabulary through which the child interacts with his or her surroundings for the rest of their lives. Hot, Cold, Up and Down, Over there and Over here begin with the physical senses. But tactile sensation is insufficient for creating the intellectual vocabulary that the child will employ to define his or her place in the world. This requires an initiation into semiotics (the study of signs and symbols). By developing an understanding of the meaning behind signs and symbols the child learns to see beyond the surface to what lies beneath and to develop a critical eye for nuances; to discern between the representation of the thing and the thing itself and thus to see the genuine from the artificial. This ability is of great importance as the child grows to adulthood. It is the means by which they differentiate the friendly other from the threatening stranger; the honest teacher from the propagandist; the statesman from the politician and most importantly to disambiguate their own true selves from the many false but alluring identities modern culture will inevitably thrust upon them. We must teach our children the value of sign and symbol, the meanings they possess and how to interpret them. To do less is to leave them blind in a world that can be hostile and dangerous. 

   How do we teach this? By engaging our children from an early age in thoughtful, introspective contemplation of what things mean beyond what things appear to be. Literature plays an important role in this, especially children’s literature and fairytales that employee symbolism in very insightful ways.  But also by living symbolic lives ourselves, acting with the knowledge that we are being watched by our children and that they interpret what they see in very symbolic terms that border on the language of the mythic. For example, a son looks at his mother not simply as a provider and nurturer but in much more complex and iconic terms. She becomes THE mother so when she acts in a fashion that goes against this mythic interpretation of her role she diminishes more than the way she is viewed by the child, she diminishes the very concept of what motherhood means. It is no different for the father. For sons, and especially daughter’s a father is more than his mothers mate. He is the all father, Odin, Zeus, YWHE at their most mythic level. The father is possessed of what is understood to be a supernatural virility and potency. What son does not become fascinated at the moment he stands beside his father to pee out of doors? This is a rite of passage most sons will go through at some point and while it may seem vulgar it is an important moment with tremendous psychic weight. Or the times a father and son spend wrestling on the living room rug. These are spiritual moments as much as physical. They harken back to Jacob wrestling with God or The trials of Hercules. It is at moments such as these the child first understands the father to be something great, then as he grows into adolescence something familiar and finally with the progression into young adulthood something akin.  

   Daughters likewise have their own rites of passage which they must (or at least should) go through. When a daughter proclaims that she wants to marry her daddy the statement is not an idle off hand remark, or a cute childish fancy to be laughed at, because indeed that child wants to grow up to embrace the essence of the true father figure. This is not an example of a masculine sexism. Quite the contrary. All beings define themselves by reflecting on what they accept as being the other or opposite. In the case of women that means men and in the case of the wife the other is the husband and for daughters the other is the father. In the absence of parents living symbolic lives the child is left without a vocabulary by which they can define themselves. This is not to say fathers and mothers must follow some assigned role from a religious play, or Greek theater. Symbolism is only important when the symbols themselves reflect something attainable and understandable. If we as parents fall into the habit of making every action an exercise in symbolism then we fail to progress and we fail to instill in our children a desire to move forward, to examine the world and to be critical of what he or she encounters. While teaching children the importance of symbols we should take care not to become a parody of the symbol. We should remember that we are the thing and not simply a representation of the thing. In my case, I am to be a father. My task is be a father and live symbolically for the benefit of my son not to become an abstract symbol of fatherhood.


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Politics, Religion & Ideology 

Volume 19, 2018 – Issue 4: Symbolism and PoliticsSubmit an articleJournal homepage

Free access


Introduction: Symbolism and Politics

Graeme Gill &Luis F. Angosto-FerrandezPages 429-433 | Published online: 13 Dec 2018


Symbols are central features of organized human life, helping to define perception, shaping the way we view the world and understand what goes on within it. But, despite this key role in shaping understanding, there is never a single interpretation of a symbol that everyone within the community will accept, and the way in which symbols can mobilize antagonistic political factions demonstrates that they are as much a central element for power struggles as they are avenues to facilitate processes of identification. This dual potential is the object of discussion in the papers in this special issue, which sheds new lights on the understanding of the political function of symbols in a historical period characterized by volatile electoral behaviour, fragmented societies in search of collective identifications and growingly polarizing political models.

Symbols are central features of organized human life. While most apparent in some formal spheres of activity, like organized religion or the emblems of statehood (flags, hymns, escutcheons), they are actually present in all walks of life. This is because they perform an essential service in making complex phenomena appear simple and legible. They represent, in simplified form, complex ideas, reducing them to simple images which convey the complexity they represent. For example, in the Christian religion, the symbol of the cross represents a whole panoply of assumptions and beliefs about life and the hereafter, while in international politics the national flag represents the essence of the nation and its identity. Symbols facilitate understanding of the world by rendering complexity in ways much more easily understandable by reducing that complexity to simplified images. In this sense, symbols help to define perception; they shape the way we view the world and understand what goes on within it.

Although symbols play a key role in shaping understanding, they are not univocal. This means that there is never a single interpretation of a symbol that everyone within the community will accept. Different groups and individuals will interpret symbols differently because they all have the capacity to create the virtual reality within which they operate. For example, while the fervent Catholic will see the cross as representing true faith, for the atheist it means blind acceptance of myth and superstition; and while much of the population may view the national flag as a symbol of the united national community, in former settler societies indigenous groups may see that flag as a symbol of oppression, of the invasion of their land by the settlers. Symbols are thus multivocal, having different meanings for different people. This multivocality of symbols means that symbolic discourse is a battleground of ideas and interpretations as individuals and groups struggle over political questions and seek to mobilize symbols in support of their cause. This combination of the centrality of symbols and their multivocality means that in any political conflict, it is important for the different sides to try to secure the dominance of their particular mode of symbolic discourse, of their interpretation of the symbols. If they can achieve this, and thereby have the particular dispute framed in terms of their preferred symbolic discourse rather than that of their opponents, they will have an advantage in the playing out of the political conflict.

This is evident in the papers in this special issue. Authors come from a variety of disciplines (history, anthropology, cultural studies, political science) and the case studies from different countries, but they all testify to the irreplaceable role of symbols in the formation and maintenance of political communities. In our day-to-day life, symbols are key markers in the shaping of (apparently homogeneous) collective identities. But, at the same time, the way in which symbols can mobilize antagonistic political factions demonstrates that they are as much a central element of power struggles as they are avenues to facilitate processes of identification. The way in which one of the most potent symbols of all, the dead human body, has been mobilized in symbolic conflict reflects this dual dimension of political symbolism, and some of the papers in this issue revolve around this question.1

The visceral nature of the human corpse means that, symbolically, it has a great impact, and therefore the struggle to define it and its meaning in any particular situation can have significant, even existential, implications. The ability to frame death and control the disposition of the body has been one of the most powerful things appropriated by organized religion, but it has also been important in political terms. As Verdery shows, the exhumation and reburial of revolutionary leaders, heroes, artists and ordinary people in the wake of the collapse of communism has been instrumental in the widespread revision of common understandings of the past and in the reorientation of society into the future. In this sense, the bodies took on new political lives—as did the societies in which those bodies were re-situated. This is evident in the piece by Robbie Peters in this special issue. Peters shows how the treatment of those who died during the Indonesian revolution in 1945 became a weapon in the struggle for primacy between the local community and the new national state. On the one hand, a patterned contrast in the treatment of the corpse of (foreign) enemies and that of Indonesian soldiers contributed to provide nationalist framing to the emergence of the new state. In parallel, burial of revolutionary heroes in the local kampung cemetery constituted an authentication of the importance of the local community and a statement of its identity, in direct contrast with the burials in national graveyards, which represented an affirmation of the national community and state. The body and its treatment thereby became a key object of disputation in the tug of war between local and central power and of the battle over how the community should be conceived, locally or nationally.

The role of symbols in defining identity and in the process of opposing central power is also suggested by Michael Humphrey’s study of the ‘disappeared’ in Colombia. The search for the bodies of those killed illegally in former years and the struggle to define them represent an effort on the part of elements in the society to call the state to account for past abuses. While the ‘disappeared’ remain unknown and unidentified, they represent the impunity of their killers and the continuing exclusion of them from the imagined national community. Their exhumation and identification, plus the re-labelling of them from the ‘disappeared’ to the ‘missing’, means their readmission to that community and a calling of the state to account for its actions. As a symbol, the dead are therefore central not just to the contemporary course of day-to-day politics, but to the very trajectory of the state and its political system and its relationship with the broader community. If reconciliation is to be brought about, it is through the treatment of these bodies that it will have to be achieved. Symbols are thereby central to creating the conditions on which both the community and the state will advance into the future and how they will relate to each other.

Bodies can be crucial in the structuring of the relationship between state and society in another way as well, highlighted in the paper by Luis F. Angosto-Ferrandez: the treatment of the body of former dictators and heads of state. The importance of such treatment is reflected in a number of historical examples. The discovery and destruction of the body of Adolf Hitler was crucial to the allies’ attempt to bury Nazism, while the Italian partisans’ abuse of Mussolini’s body and that of his mistress was important in their sending of a signal to both the allied forces and the Italian population. The removal of Stalin’s body from the Lenin mausoleum in Moscow and its burial near the Kremlin wall in 1961 (plus the bust placed over it in 1970) were important messages about official policy and how it was changing. But perhaps the clearest attempts to use bodies in this sort of symbolic fashion have occurred where the bodies of national leaders are placed in mausoleums and put on show. This was particularly common in communist regimes, where Lenin, Mao, Ho, Dimitrov, the two Kims and temporarily Stalin were treated in this way. But it was not only fully fledged communist regimes that acted thus. Franco in Spain and Chavez in Venezuela were also placed in mausoleums in a clear attempt not only to maintain their ideological authority but to buttress the legitimacy of the regime following their demise. The attempt to transform them into objects of veneration thus reflects both the desire to rewrite (and sanitize) the past and to prolong the regime into the future. This illustrates the important temporal dimension of symbols; they can mediate change over time, but similarly, their meaning will also shift as time passes.

The attempt to project the past leader’s body as a symbol of legitimacy (or in the cases of Hitler and Mussolini, of delegitimation) highlights the significant stake state elites have in seeking to control the symbolic discourse. Given that it is impossible for state elites to so control their populations that they can make symbols univocal (i.e. ensure that everyone understands the symbols in exactly the same way), the best they can hope for is to bring about the hegemony of their understanding of the discourse to ensure that their interpretation is the dominant one in the community. This can be the basis for the generation of consensus, although if the attempt at hegemony fails, it could lead to instability and conflict. This is particularly important when regime change comes about, and the new regime seeks to consolidate itself in power. Replacement of the former symbolic discourse is the aim because this will help to consolidate control, but as Graeme Gill shows, this is not an easy thing to achieve. Given that the multivocality of symbols is rooted in part in the personal experiences of society as a whole and the constituent parts of it, that multivocality is impossible to overcome. Nevertheless, regimes do seek to achieve this, principally through the generation of a narrative that will organize and integrate the symbols into a compelling story. Yelena Nikolayevna Zabortseva shows how the Niyazov regime pursued that objective in Turkmenistan, highlighting the relationship between the regime’s symbolic discourse and its political structure.

But it is not only at times of regime change that the creation of a coherent narrative explaining the symbolic discourse is necessary. As Christopher Houston shows in his study of Turkey following the purported coup attempt in 2016, governments expend significant efforts to frame political developments in such a way as to justify action they might take. In this case, the framing of the coup in terms of distinguishing between plotters and martyrs was central to the government’s attempts both to delegitimize the coup and to legitimize the changes to the political structure that it has brought about in the wake of the coup’s failure. The manipulation of symbols is thus central not just to immediate political developments but also to the course of regime construction beyond those developments. Government difficulties in exercising effective control over the symbolic discourse in society, or a significant shift in that discourse as appears to be occurring in the contemporary US, are quite reliable symptoms of political instability.

As the earlier discussion of bodies shows, it is not only governments that seek to use symbols for political ends. Mary Hawkins and Helena Onnudottir show how political parties, in this case in Iceland, make use of symbols to express their identity and to attract support in the electoral arena. This occurs in all societies and has been at its most stark in countries where literacy has been limited and parties have had to rely on visual images (such as colours or animals) to make contact with voters. The generation of such images can also be important in times of substantial change when new parties emerge and existing parties must re-orient themselves. But to be successful, such symbols must resonate with the populace (or at least part of it), and therefore the most successful appear to be those that have some cultural or historical appeal. It is by linking with the intellectual and emotional underpinning of the society that symbols are best placed to harvest support for parties (and regimes) and thereby to become key elements in the continuing political process.

Similarly, opposition elements will seek to generate symbols with such resonance in their attempts to challenge the status quo. Peter Morgan shows how the Albanian writer Ismail Kadare sought to define the public persona of the Albanian leader Enver Hoxha in an attempt to influence his actions and bring about a possible change of regime trajectory. This is an example of a significant strand of dissident literature common across communist Eastern Europe in which official symbols were mobilized to critique, and hopefully educate, the regime. This a good example of how official symbols can be manipulated and reframed by oppositionists and how this may be difficult to combat at the symbolic level; the Albanian regime had to resort to administrative means (censorship) to overcome Kadare’s symbolic assault.

As a whole, the papers in this issue constitute a stimulating platform for the production of knowledge about and better understanding of the political function of symbols in society. In a historical period characterized by volatile electoral behaviour, by increasingly fragmented societies in search of collective identifications and by the confrontation of political models, we hope that the interdisciplinary effort encapsulated in this issue contributes to revitalize the analysis of political symbols, and also that it provides new grounds for comparative study.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. Notes on contributors

Graeme Gill is Professor Emeritus in the Department of Government and International Relations at the University of Sydney. He is a long-time scholar of Soviet and Russian politics, also with interests in the state and its development, and in authoritarian regimes more generally. He is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia and a former president of the International Council for Central and East European Studies.

Luis F. Angosto-Ferrandez is Senior Lecturer in the Departments of Anthropology and Spanish & Latin American Studies at the University of Sydney. He is author of Venezuela Reframed (2015), co-editor of Anthropologies of Value (2016), The Politics of Identity in Latin American Censuses (2016), and Everlasting Countdowns: Race, Ethnicity and National Censuses in Latin American States (2012), and editor of Democracy, Revolution, and Geopolitics in Latin America: Venezuela and the International Politics of Discontent (2014).

Luis F. Angosto-Ferrandez


The classic study is Katherine Verdery, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies. Reburial and Postsocialist Change (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999).


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Paleoanthropologist Discovers Set Of Geometric Signs Used Around The World 40,000 Years Ago


Demonology, Occult, Magic symbols


Pin by n_ on Рисуночки | Esoteric symbols, Occult symbols, Occult

Karlstads universitet 651 88 Karlstad Tfn 054-700 10 00 Fax 054-700 14 60 Information@kau.se Estetisk-filosofiska fakulteten Engelska Björn Bruns The Symbolism of Power in William Golding’s Lord of the Flies Engelska C-uppsats Datum: Hösttermin 2008/2009 Handledare: Åke Bergvall Examinator: Mark Troy The Symbolism of Power in William Golding’s Lord of the Flies An important theme in William Golding’s novel Lord of the Flies is social power relations. These power relations are everywhere on the island, and are shown at different levels throughout the novel. These power relations are illustrated by symbols in the novel, which center on two different power systems, a democratic system, with Ralph as the head, and a dictatorial system with Jack as the leader. Sometimes these symbols are tied so closely together to both power systems that they mean different things for each of them. The aim of this essay is to investigate the different kinds of symbols that are used in the novel, and to show how they are tied to its social power relations. Those symbols that I have found are always important items that either Ralph or Jack use intentionally or unintentionally. The use of symbols is crucial to this novel, thus Golding shows us that an item is more powerful than it first seems. – 1 – An important theme in William Golding’s novel Lord of the Flies is social power relations. These power relations are everywhere on the island, and are shown at different levels throughout the novel. The novel, according to Kristin Olsen, concentrates on describing “the desire for power, […] the fear of other people, anger and jealousy” (2). The power relations in the novel reflect Golding’s own “experience of the war, […] the use of the atomic bombs on Japan, in the postwar revelations of the Holocaust and the horrors of Stalinist Russia” (Baker, “Fables” 315), in particular the battle between fascism and democracy, seen in World War II and the battle between dictatorship and democracy during the Cold War, which had just begun. These power relations are illustrated by symbols throughout the novel, which center on two different power systems, a democratic system, with Ralph as the head, and a dictatorial system with Jack as the leader. Sometimes these symbols are tied so closely to both power systems that they mean different things for each of them. The aim of this essay is to investigate the different kinds of symbols that are used in the novel, and to show how they are tied to its social power relations. A central symbol at the beginning of the novel is the conch shell. It is Piggy who finds it. He has seen this shell before and he has heard that it can be used as an instrument to make a loud sound (Golding 15). This gives him the idea to give it more purpose than just a sound machine. Whoever holds the conch in their meetings has a right to speak, and everyone accepts that. What power the conch really possesses is made clear by Golding when he describes the situation after the election of Ralph as the leader: “[M]ost obscurely, yet most powerfully, there was the conch” (Golding 22), i.e., the boys gain power through holding the conch. This rule is made by Ralph, through Piggy (Golding 33) and shows that the conch stands for law and order, a main trait of a democracy, since everyone has the right to free speech with the conch. The shell becomes “a symbol of parliamentary order” as Piggy, together with Ralph, turns it into “a tool of civilization” (Olsen 6). The conch shell is a – 2 – symbol of democratic power; in fact it is “more than a symbol – it is an actual vessel of political legitimacy” (“Themes, Motifs & Symbols”). As John Fitzgerald and John Kayser argue, by introducing the conch, “Piggy can […] be deemed the true founder of the parliamentarian society created by the assembly” (81). These assemblies are important, because that is where the conch is used as the tool of power, since everyone listens to the holder of the conch and has to wait for their turn to speak. Once they get the conch, they get to speak and everyone listens. The conch thus provides freedom of speech, as well as law and order. The conch’s power, though, is completely dependent on the recognition by the boys (Fleck 34). But when the power shifts over to Jack, the conch slowly loses its influence. At the end of the novel, the democratic power system is symbolically terminated by the destruction of the conch: “[T]he conch exploded into a thousand white fragments and ceased to exist” (Golding 181). With the conch gone, the dictatorial system prevails: “The shattered conch symbolizes the end of reason and a once known civilization with all of its structure and ideals pertaining to it. In correlation to the view of the author, after authority is destroyed on the island, the boys succumb to savagery” (“The Use of Symbolism”). In this case, the conch is the last thing that is holding the democracy together; with the conch shattered, all that Ralph and Piggy have fought for is destroyed and gone forever on the island. Another symbol for Ralph’s group in the novel are the shelters they build (Golding 52). After Ralph is voted leader, he decides to improve and organize the conditions for everyone on the island. Not only do the shelters provide safety from wind and weather for all the children, but they also act as a sort of team building that everyone finds worth participating in. Furthermore, it is a way to maintain civilization on the island. Having something that the boys can call a home also helps them overcome their fears. The very first step to make civilization for settlers was to settle themselves down by building homes. This is exactly was Ralph wants to do too. This is reinforced by the map over the island that makes – 3 – all the boys feel even safer (Golding 27). The map would show where it is safe and what things are important to know. It is like a life saver for the boys that are afraid of exploring. Ralph’s organization, the shelters and the map are symbols for the making of a democracy, because, in a democracy, everyone should have the right to live free and without fear. The glasses are another important symbol on the island. It is Piggy who has this very important tool of power, being the only one with glasses. Once the boys decide to make a signal fire in hope of getting rescued, Ralph comes up with the idea that Piggy’s specs can be used as a lens to focus the sunbeams on one point which leads to making fire (Golding 40). Without Piggy’s specs it would be very difficult, if not impossible, to get a fire lit (Golding 40). The boy having the specs can therefore be considered as the lord of the fire on this island. The person having command over this tool of power has a big advantage over everyone else. In the beginning it is Ralph who has the power, since Piggy is in his team. But later on, when the power systems change, Jack decides to steal the specs because he knows that they are important and powerful (Golding 166-67). Hence Jack acquires this important tool to create fire. This makes him the new lord of the fire, and gives him even more dictatorial power. He now has one important tool that Ralph and Piggy do not have anymore, which in turn diminishes their power. Also, the glasses were used for two purposes before Jack stole them. They were used to make fire (Golding 41) and to help Piggy see. After the theft, Jack can only give them one purpose, to start the fire round which the tribe gathers. This means that the tool is converted into the dictatorial arsenal, at the same time that it neutralizes Piggy because he can no longer see clearly. Jack offers a man for his personal, and his tribe’s gain. In the beginning of the novel, there is serenity. Then there is loudness after Jack and his tribe take over the island. Of course, even from the start the boys are shouting every now and then when they play, but overall the atmosphere is calm. This peacefulness is also a symbol for the democratic power system. The blowing of the conch is the loudest thing on the – 4 – island to that point (Golding 17). Since the conch is the symbol for the democratic power system, it is fitting that it is the loudest, and that it demands silence: “By the time Ralph finished blowing the conch the platform was crowded. […] Silence now” (Golding 32). When the military boys with Jack in front meet up with everyone else after Ralph blows the horn, Jack asks: “Where is the man with the trumpet?” and Ralph responds: “There’s no man with a trumpet. Only me” (Golding 20). The conch is so loud that one can hear it far away. The assemblies are normally not topsy-turvy and no one shouts, except for Jack. Loudness is what Jack needs, and this is only one of many examples when Jack is very loud. This is somehow ironic, since he is the leader of a church choir where harmony, not noise, is the norm. His role as “chief” for the dictatorial power system requires him to be loud. Everything he does is noisy. He does that because he needs the other boys to be drowned out. When he speaks to his fellowship, he either yells at them or talks to them in a very clear voice. He never whispers or uses any form of silence except while ambushing (Golding 166). Jack’s whole tribe are loud while dancing, hunting and killing (Golding 152). These are the main things they do on the island and they are all noisy actions. This means that loudness in the novel becomes a symbol for the dictatorial power system. The fire itself, after being created by Piggy’s glasses, is a very important symbol for both the democratic and the dictatorial power system. It stands for either a beacon for Ralph’s rescue and safety, or for Jack’s food and war dance. The signal fire has to be lit at all times, so that passing ships can pick up the lost boys: “The fire is the most important thing on the island. How can we ever be rescued except by luck, if we don’t keep a fire going?” (Golding 80). But the boys find it hard to keep the fire burning. Most of the boys really do not understand the importance of the fire and therefore tend to ignore it. Especially Jack is not very keen in dealing with the fire as a symbol of need for rescue. First after a ship misses them because the fire is out does Jack apologize to Ralph because he sees that it clearly was a – 5 – mistake. Ralph tries to talk sense into Jack and is upset at how Jack feels about the fire: “I said before, the fire is the main thing. Now the fire must be out- […] Hasn’t anyone got any sense?” (Golding 102). Ralph and his democratic camaraderie feel safe when the fire is lit. It gives them hope. Also it saves them from being attacked by the beast or any other malevolent creatures. For Jack, the fire also provides a place of safety and a sense of being home, but he goes further than just that. He uses the fire as a weapon too: “Ironically, at the end of the novel, a fire finally summons a ship to the island, but not the signal fire. Instead, it is the fire of savagery – the forest fire Jack’s gang starts as part of his quest to hunt and kill Ralph” (“Themes, Motifs & Symbols”). After Jack steals the specs from Piggy, giving him command over the fire, he uses it for his own tribe’s interests. The fire from now on stands for Jack’s and his tribe’s camp, their cuisine, their dance area and their social meeting point, the place where Jack and his followers meet to discuss their work, the hunt. Eating is another symbol in Lord of the Flies. When the children eat fruits, they live off the island and do not work to get their food. Eating pork instead is a dictatorial demand, Jack’s way of persuasion, since they had to kill for this meal. But Ralph is not doing any of this. Instead he bites his nails until his fingers bleed (Golding 131). Ralph’s behavior could be interpreted as self-cannibalism, slowly gnawing and consuming him to defeat (Olsen 11). When Jack and his group meet to feast at the fire, they eat pork, which they get as a result of the hunt. This is also why more and more boys join Jack’s tribe: to get pork. Since the boys are bored with eating fruits and crabs, they want real meat. This decreases Ralph’s power, since he has no experience in hunting and wants everyone to focus on other tasks. This pork, though only food, becomes the island’s currency: “It is hard to obtain but can be gotten with hard work and skill” (Olsen 9). Since there is no money on the island, something else must have a value. As stated before, the hunt is Jack’s tribe’s work. As a result of hard work, one gets a reward; in our world it is money, for the boys it is pork to feast on. – 6 – The tribe is without a doubt the biggest symbol of Jack’s dictatorial power system. All other symbols of the dictatorial system are subordinate to the tribe. Without the tribe, neither Jack nor his dictatorial power system would work. Only as part of a group can Jack sustain his ambition to conquer his rival Ralph and his whole social power system. Jack’s power therefore stands and falls with the tribe. The tribe makes him strong. Not only is he the leader of the tribe, he is also the brain, the founder and the string-puller. It is Jack’s top concern that the tribe is intact at all times. He can only be as strong as his tribe, and he therefore strengthens the tribe by weakening the democratic power. Furthermore, Jack needs the tribe to survive, and the tribe needs Jack to survive. The boys in Jack’s tribe certainly need someone to tell them what to do. Jack, on the other hand, needs the tribe for his plans to be a “chief” of both the boys and the island. Once Jack’s tribe is in perfect sync, defeating everything in his way, he has all the power he needs. The hunt is another important symbol of Jack’s dictatorial power system. It is what binds Jack’s group and it is also their work together. The one object that lights up Jack’s eyes in the beginning of the novel is the sow he saw while exploring the island (Golding 31). When Ralph tells Jack that his choir can be whatever he wants them to be, he immediately responds that they will be hunters (Golding 23). This is not enough for Jack though. After a while, since Ralph himself is no hunter, Jack feels that he needs to take the power away from him so that the hunt, his specialty, can get more power than before. Jack finds it to be so important that he makes everything circle around the hunt. On the island they hunt to live and they live to hunt. Just like killing opposing forces in the army, he now wants to hunt down and kill wild pigs on the island. To hunt one has to have a weapon. Since Jack’s knife is not enough, the boys create spears: “We better take spears” (Golding 103). The boys always keep their weapons with them, which gives them more confidence and power on the island. The spears are the most dangerous weapon that the boys come up with. Later on, when the power – 7 – system changes in Jack’s favor, only Jack’s tribe has the spears. The rest of Ralph’s group does not feel that they need any weapons to survive, but can manage on this island without them. But Jack’s tribe wants complete power and therefore carry the spears around all the time, especially to protect themselves from any harm. One could say that the spears give Jack’s tribe as much safety (Golding 91) as the signal fire gave Ralph’s group when they had the power. The hunt is the first sign of a power shift to Jack’s advantage. Another powerful symbol is the beast, which embodies the power of the boys’ fears. All the boys can be frightened. They are scared of something that does not even exist. When Jack finally converts this fright into a creature, the boys call it the beast. Especially the littluns are afraid, and Jack uses this fear to make his dictatorial power system stronger. After the boys find a dead parachutist, their fear of a beast from the air makes them even more afraid than before. Jack “uses its existence to make the other boys willing followers of his commands. — Fear is the source of Jack’s power” (Winfriedschule Fulda). Thereafter, most of the boys join Jack’s new-found tribe to find safety, which he promises. Jack thinks that he can win over even more hearts of the boys by hunting the beast down (Golding 91). Yet, “he is the one being a beast by building up a reign of terror. His behaviour has to be regarded as the evil in every mankind, the ‘beasty side’” (Winfriedschule Fulda). But Jack is afraid himself. He can convince the boys that there is no beast, but he cannot persuade himself. He never tells anyone about his fright, but deep inside he knows that he is afraid. That is why Ralph always has to go first when Jack thinks that the beast might be near (Golding 104). Simon is the only one to know the truth about the beast: “There is a beast, but it’s only us” (Baker, “Beast” 78). The beast, only dreamt about by littluns, has always been in their minds, but never before their eyes. Although the boys mistake Simon for the beast, while he was running towards them, they never saw the beast. The pig head created by Jack’s tribe is a symbol of cruelty and power. After – 8 – killing the first sow, Jack decides that the sow’s head should be on a stick: “Sharpen a stick at both ends” (Golding 136). Since the tribe is afraid of a beast roaming around the island, Jack decides to offer something to the beast, in order to win its goodwill: “This head is for the beast. It’s a gift” (Golding 137). But the pig head becomes more than just a sacrifice. Very quickly the rotting head is surrounded by insects. This makes the pig head the lord of the flies. The meaning of “lord of the flies” is a translation from Hebrew, which stands for Beelzebub, a synonym for the devil. It is a “symbolic dramatisation of human evil” (Winfriedschule Fulda). On one level Jack is the real “lord of the flies” if we see the boys as worthless flies that need a vessel, Jack, to be able to live their lives, but the pig head is also more than that: it can be seen as the symbol of evil on the island. Golding tries to “emphasize the existence of evil inside man and its part in the human condition” (Winfriedschule Fulda). For every human, good and evil can be next to each other. Golding tries to show this by having the island’s most evil thing, the pig head, and the best thing, Simon, closely together. The imaginary beast of the boys speaks to Simon, using the pig head on the stick as a vessel: “It is Simon who witnesses [the great god’s] coming and hears his words of wrath” (Baker, “Beast” 79). “You [Simon] knew, didn’t you? I’m [the beast] part of you? Close, close, close! I’m the reason why it’s no go? Why things are what they are?” (Golding 143). Also, Golding makes fear in the boys minds prevail. After their imaginary conversation, Simon runs off to the others but gets killed. After he comes running towards the boys, while they are dancing and celebrating the hunt, they get scared, mistake him for the beast, and stab Simon to death. “Ironically, they have killed the one person who could have saved them from bestiality” (Hynes 62). The boys protected themselves from what they thought to be a beast. “It was dark. There was that-that bloody dance. There was lightning and thunder and rain. We was scared!” (Golding 156). But since Jack’s tribe is so cruel, they do not care what it was they killed. The pig head is still there. Epstein sees the lord of the flies as Golding’s “modern – 9 – equivalent, the anarchic, amoral, driving force that Freudians call the Id, whose only function seems to be to insure the survival of the host in which it is […] embodies, which function it performs with tremendous and single-minded tenacity” (108). Golding makes the pig head the real leader of the island, hence evil prevails. Not only the pig head, but also the imaginary beast is still there in the boys’ minds. But most importantly, Jack’s dictatorship is the last power system standing. The use of uniforms becomes a symbol of transformation that bonds Jack’s tribe even closer together. Already from the beginning, when Jack is introduced as the leader of the church choir, they wear uniforms: [D]ressed in strangely eccentric clothing. Shorts, shirts, […] but each boy wore a square black cap with a silver badge on it. Their bodies […] were hidden by black cloaks, which bore a long silver cross on the left breast, and each neck was finished off with a hambone frill. […] The boy who controlled them was dressed in the same way though his cap badge was golden. (Golding 19) These uniforms mark them as a team. Once Jack’s tribe is established, however, they have a new kind of military uniform: different colors of dirt as dazzle paint (Golding 140). Once a boy “converts” to Jack’s tribe, he gets the dazzle paint to show that he is one of them now. Everyone in Jack’s tribe gets marked with the dazzle paint to distinguish themselves from Ralph’s group. Also, as the uniforms did for the choir, the dazzle paint strengthens them as a team, like soldiers going to war. The dazzle paint is meant as camouflage, so they cannot to be seen. The paint also robs the boys of their personal identities, making them do things they could not do as individuals, like killing a person: “When the hunters paint their faces and kill pigs, they are losing their individualism, and becoming part of a group mentality of savagery” (Stein et al.). The paint separates them from their usual principles, such as choosing what is right and wrong. Jack wants the individual to be nothing and the group to be everything – 10 – (Alpers 30). A good example is Sam and Eric. In the beginning, they are twins with different names. But as the novel moves on, they are named as one person, namely Samneric. This shows that they are also stronger as a team than alone. Another example is when Jack does not care about that a boy from his choir is fainting (Golding 20). But the dazzle paint does one more thing. Jack himself alters his personality by painting his face. After that, his name becomes “chief” instead of Merridew, and he gets even more aggravated and goes berserk. Jack’s “[p]ersonality is overcome by power and he loses his name” (Gregor and KinkeadWeekes 31). One consequence of the symbolism of tribal hunting as well as the military symbols is killing. If Jack clearly knows that a boy cannot be convinced to join his tribe under any circumstance whatsoever, there is only one way to defeat his enemy: by killing the boy, getting rid of the enemy. This happens twice in the novel. The killing of Simon we have already discussed. The most tragic one, and the one that Jack is responsible for, is the death of Piggy: “[Roger’s] one hand […] on the lever. […] Roger […] leaned all his weight on the lever. […] The rock struck Piggy in a glancing blow from chin to knee” (Golding 180-81). Although Roger does the deed, Jack is still to blame for this catastrophe, because Roger is the right hand of Jack and does what is best for the chief, and therefore best for the chief’s tribe. Jack also wants to get rid of Ralph. He knows that Ralph has nothing anymore. Since democracy is no more, he can hunt him down like an animal: “Roger sharpened a stick at both ends” (Golding 190). Jack plans to kill Ralph and put his head on this stick in the ground, as he did with the pig they once killed. In other words, in the end, it is war to the death between Jack’s tribe and Ralph. Jack and his tribe fail to kill him only because Ralph stumbles upon a naval officer (Golding 200). This is another example of the symbolism for the violent tribal hunt. Dancing would normally be a symbol of joy, pleasure, and of community. – 11 – However, in the novel it instead becomes a decoy, not seeing or feeling the fright on the island. When the members of Jack’s group are scared, they dance around the fire. When Jack feels that fear starts to grow among the boys, he gets them to dance. For example, in one situation of the novel a thunderstorm is approaching: “The flickering light became brighter and the blows of the thunder were only just bearable. The littluns began to run about, screaming. Jack leapt on to the sand. ‘Do our dance! Come on! Dance!’” (Golding 161). Focusing on something else, it gives the boys the feeling of not being alone and therefore takes away their fears (Gregor and Kinkead-Weekes 34). But they also dance in connection with the hunt. They do this either before or after the hunt, but it has always the same pattern. They scream, shout and dance. The dance is like a role play, or an Indian war dance. One boy is the sow and the others hunt him down while they scream, laugh and try to stab the boy with their spears. One important slogan is screamed and sung each time, because it is like Jack’s tribe’s sacred words: “Kill the beast. Cut his throat. Spill his blood” (Golding 152). By analyzing only the verbs in this saying it is clear that the shouting leads to violence and destruction. These are words of power and dominance, the words of a dictator. The implied violence symbolized by the military uniforms and the war dance is directed not only outward, but within the tribe as well. Jack can grant or withhold food and hunting whenever he feels like it. To control others in order to keep discipline is one of his uppermost priorities. He has no problems in blackmailing a boy to get what he wants. Firstly, he is still somewhat calm: “If you want to join my tribe come and see us. Perhaps I’ll let you join. Perhaps not” (Golding 140). He makes clear that he is the authority and that he decides what should happen. But he can also yell at the boys to make them feel inferior (Golding 20), and he loves to punish everyone for breaking the rules: “I said ‘grab them’! […] Tie them up! […] Go on. Tie them” (Golding 178, 179). Sam and Eric, for example, get tortured by Roger on Jack’s order: – 12 – The hangman’s horror clung round him [Roger]. The chief said no more to him but looked down at Samneric. “You go to join the tribe.” “You lemme go-“ “-and me.” The chief […] poked Sam in the ribs. […] “What d’you mean by not joining my tribe?” The prodding became rhythmic. Sam yelled. […] Roger edges past the chief [….] Roger advanced upon them [Samneric] as one wielding a nameless authority. (Golding 182) Jack orders their torture because he wants them to join his tribe, and nothing else. He gives them only two options: join the tribe, or die. Also, at one time Robert and Roger are talking about Jack’s punishment of Wilfred: “He’s going to beat Wilfred.” “What for?” […] “I don’t know. He didn’t say. He got angry and made us tie Wilfred up. He’s been”-he giggled excitedly-“he’s been tied for hours, waiting-” “But didn’t the chief say why?” “I never heard him.” (Golding 159) These situations clearly show that Jack is willing to do everything to remain the chief of the island. If punishment is the only thing that works on the boys, then Jack has no problems in announcing a punishment for them. And apparently, Jack’s strategy bears fruit. Sam and Eric decide to join Jack’s tribe after being in captivity because they know what Jack is capable of. – 13 – Symbolizing the society of the island, there are tiny creatures along the shore. When Henry walks along the beach, he discovers these tiny creatures: He poked about with a bit of stick […] and tried to control the motions of the scavengers. He made little runnels that the tide filled and tried to crowd them with creatures. He became absorbed beyond mere happiness as he felt himself exercising control over living things. He talked to them, urging them, ordering them. Driven back by the tide, his footprints became bays in which they were trapped and gave him the illusion of mastery. (Golding 61) It clearly shows that everyone wants to be a leader sometime. As long as one is faster, stronger and taller than others, then one has the power to control them. “[B]ecause there is savagery in all of us, civilization is a thin and fragile veneer” (Dalrymple 26). Henry is in this case not better than Jack, because Henry rules over the small creatures in the sand like a dictator. He does not care how the creatures feel about his decision to poke around them with a stick and disturbing their lives. He just does it, just like in a dictatorial power system. No one is right but the leader, in that case Henry. The little critters have no other chance then to allow Henry to do what he does in order to survive. This shows us that savagery is in all of us. The critters can be compared to the littluns since they share the same problems facing a strong leader without a possibility to change the situation. This savagery is the way the boys behave on the island. To sum up, one can see that many of the symbols in the novel are tied to a social power relation. The conch is the most powerful symbol for the democratic power system. Yet the shelters and the map are also important for democracy. Since the democratic system is associated with peace, silence is an essential symbol. As for Jack, noise describes his tribe. Also Piggy’s glasses can be considered a democratic symbol, since they provide vision and are used to bring the group to safety by lighting the signal fire. When Jack steals them later – 14 – and uses them for his and his tribe’s purposes they no longer provide vision but are used to light the tribal fire. The fire can also be a symbol for both power systems. The democratic power system uses the fire as signal while Jack’s tribe uses it as a centre for food and dance. Eating is also a symbol that can be tied to both power systems. In the beginning they only eat fruits because Ralph cannot hunt. Jack’s tribe hunts and therefore they get pork, which can be considered the island’s currency. Jack’s tribe itself is important as a dictatorial symbol. Everything Jack does is because of or for the tribe. The most important symbol that the tribe does is hunting. They even dance around the fire to celebrate the hunt. The dancing itself is also one of many symbols that are tied to Jack and his power system. The uniforms and the dazzle paint are used by Jack’s tribe and are therefore tied to Jack as well. What the boys fear is the beast. This symbol that should be tied to the dictatorial power system is imaginary, yet it is in every boy’s head. Without the beast, Jack’s tribe would have been different. This is also why he decides to erect a pig head on a stick, the cruelest symbol in the novel, and one that represents evil. Since Jack’s tribe created the pig head, it belongs to the dictatorial power system. Lastly, the society on the island is shown by the tiny creatures that Henry plays god over. This symbol for the society shows how Jack is “chief” over the boys in another way. Those symbols that I have found are always important items that either Ralph or Jack use intentionally or unintentionally. The use of symbols is crucial to this novel, thus Golding shows us that an item is more powerful than it first seems. – 15 – Works Cited Primary Source: Golding, William. Lord of the Flies. New York: Penguin Group, 1959. Secondary Sources: Alpers, Benjamin L. Dictators, Democracy, and American Public Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. Baker, James R. “Golding and Huxley: The Fables of Demonic Possession.” Twentieth Century Literature 46:3 (2000): 311-38. Baker, James R. “The Meaning of the Beast.” In Swisher 75-82. Dalrymple, Theodore. “Desert-Island Reading.” ew Criterion 6 (2005): 21-27. Fleck, A. D. “Mythical Elements in Lord of the Flies”. In Swisher 30-39. Fitzgerald, John F. and John R. Kayser. “Golding’s Lord of the Flies: Pride as original sin.” Studies in the ovel 1 (2002): 78-89. Gregor, Ian, and Mark Kinkead-Weekes. William Golding: A Critical Study of the ovels. 3 rd ed. London: Faber and Faber, 2002. Hynes, Samuel. “Several Interpretations of Lord of the Flies.” In Swisher 56-64. Olsen, Kirstin. Understanding Lord of the Flies: A Student Casebook to Issues, Sources, and Historical Documents. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2000. Stein, Ted, et al. “Lord of the Flies.” 09 Nov. 2008. . Swisher, Clarice, ed. Readings on “Lord of the Flies”. San Diego: Greenhaven Press, 1997. “The Use of Symbolism in Lord of the Flies.” 09 Nov. 2008. . “Themes, Motifs & Symbols.” 09 Nov. 2008. . Winfriedschule Fulda. 30 Oct. 2008.


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Bernard D. Beitman M.D.

Connecting with Coincidence

Synchronicity and Symbols

We live in a symbolic matrix.

wikimedia commons

Norse Yggdrasil (Tree of Life) from Icelandic Prose Edda from 1847, by Oluf Olufsen BaggeSource: wikimedia commons

I am developing a taxonomy for coincidences. Early botanists noticed similarities and differences among plants and categorized them; I’ve noticed similarities and differences among and between the coincidental flora in the forest of daily life.

To develop a scale for coincidence sensitivity, I asked participants to rate the frequency of common coincidences. The list of common coincidences was gleaned from a much longer group of possibilities. The result was the Weird Coincidence Survey. The 12 items of the WCS can be found on my website. You can take the survey to see how sensitive to coincidences you are.

From 1551 respondents to the WCS, the most common coincidences were:

  • I think of a question only to have it answered by an external source (i.e. radio, TV, or other people) before I can ask it.
  • I think of an idea and hear or see it on the radio, TV, or Internet.
  • I think of calling someone, only to have that person unexpectedly call me.
  • I advance in my work/career/education by being in the right place at the right time.

Most intriguing to me are the connections to our media. Are we becoming nodes in the vast internet connectivity? I explore this idea in this PT post.

Ray Grasse has a grander view. He starts with synchronicity and then expands to the symbols all around us. He notices what happens at the beginning of a process. One of his examples involves two people meeting for the first time and a car exploding outside as they talk. Foreboding for the relationship! And it was. The relationship did not go well.

Grasse quotes Emerson: “The whole world is an omen and a sign. Why look so wistfully in a corner? The voice of divination resounds everywhere and runs to waste unheard, unregarded, as the mountains echo with the bleatings of cattle.” (The Waking Dream, p.251)

You see a car on fire, a knife injures your foot, you have an argument with your spouse and Mars is in transit. Each of these has in common a force of some kind.


Grasse, Ray. The Waking Dream (1996): Unlocking the symbolic language of our lives. Quest Books. Wheaton, Ilinois, USAMorereferences

  • About the Author

Bernard Beitman, M.D., is a visiting professor at the University of Virginia. He is the former chair of the University of Missouri-Columbia department of psychiatry.


Satanic Symbols

A List Of Satanic Symbols That Are Strangely Inspirational

Daniella Urdinlaiz

Not all satanic symbols are as evil as they appear and that is because satanism isn’t about sacrificing animals and causing bloodshed. Satanism is more about self-identity. Since you are probably doubtful about a group that has been given such a poor reputation, this is a list of satanic symbols that can inspire you to take control of your own destiny.

The Order Of The Nine Angels


The Order Of The Nine Angels is an occult group that pushes its members to find and surpass their mental, physical, and psychical limits in search of spiritual ascension. They are based in the United Kingdom, but they have affiliated groups around the world. The Leviathan Cross

This is also known as the cross of Satan. The double cross symbolizes protection and balance while the infinity sign represents the eternal universe. The symbol was created to mock the cross and make a point about humans being their own centrum of balance and truth.

The Inverted Pentagram

An inverted pentagram, which is facing the ground instead of the heavens, represents independence, personal power, sexuality, and accomplishment. It is a rejection of Christianity’s dominance over society and a reminder that you are in control over your own fate.

The Original Goat Pentagram


This is the official insignia of the Church of Satan, chosen as a visual representation of their philosophies. It contains an inverted pentagram with a goat’s head in the center, and the Hebrew letters at each point of the pentagram spell out Leviathan, which is a deadly sea monster.

The Grail


The grail holds the elixir of life. It represents the potential we all have within ourselves. It is a reminder that you alone are able to achieve anything that you wish as long as you take it upon yourself to act instead of waiting for a higher power to take control for you.

The Inverted Cross

The cross represents the death of Christ who died upon a cross for our sins, so turning it upside down is meant to disrespect Christ. It represents the choice to rebel instead of submit and obey God.

The Winged Serpent


The winged serpent is a symbol of enlightenment. It represents intense awareness. It is a reminder to stop allowing your circumstances to control what happens to you and to start creating what happens to you.

The Eye Of Providence


Some people believe The Eye of Providence represents God watching over everything and seeing everything. However in satanism the eye, which is wide open and surrounded by light, represents the third eye that allows you to see the truth.


Baphomet represents the equilibrium of the opposite. This symbol contains binary elements representing the sum total of the universe (male and female, good and evil). It also represents a tradition that should result in a perfect social order.


This is considered the number of the beast, the number associated with the devil himself. In the bible, the number seven typically represents perfection, which suggests the number six is incomplete or flawed in the eyes of God. That is why satanists have embraced the number.

The Sigil Of Lucifer

This symbol is a visual invocation of the angel Lucifer. Even though some people consider Lucifer a symbol of evil, Satanists consider Lucifer a symbol of freedom and independence.

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If you’re going to f*cking panic — this book is here to help

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Symbols Rule the World

Published at: November 16, 2017 / Category: Media & InformationScience & TechnologySecret SocietiesTelecommunications / Comments: No Comments

If you have ever started your own business or created a website for yourself then you already know the importance of a logo or symbols.  It’s easier to remember the logo of a company than it’s the actual name.  The subconscious mind is much more powerful than we realize.  

There are symbols everywhere.   We see them so often but yet most of us don’t have an understanding as to what they really mean.  Secret Societies use symbolism to communicate with others and to hide the true meaning behind them. In today’s world, those symbols that most don’t understand and are used by secret societies are considered “evil”  or “satanic.”  

Just because a group  of people are using the symbol and have a sinister agenda does not mean they own the origin of that symbol and that everyone using it is connected and “evil.”  That’s just religious fear mongering to keep us from the truth.  Once you understand the symbolism in addition to what words mean in other languages (spells) then the whole house of cards collapses which would expand your consciousness.

Take the pentagram for example.  In some modern day religions it is viewed as some sort of evil symbol  and associated with witchcraft.  When in reality it has a very profound and ancient meaning.  If you draw a pentagram, the lines automatically divide themselves into segments according to the Divine Proportion. The ratios of the line segments in a pentacle all equal PHI making this symbol the ultimate expression of the Divine Proportion.

For this reason the five-pointed star has always been the symbol of beauty and perfection associated with the Goddess and the sacred feminine. The Sacred Geometry of nature, again is all about the Goddess, Mother nature, who gives us life.  Associated with the feminine aspect of consciousness.  The serpent is another symbol for that too.  

Be wise as serpents—and harmless as doves.” Matthew 10:16 KJV

The serpent energy is definitely one of the most primeval archetypes and in all ancient cultures was intimately connected with the mysteries of the divine female – Crompton

The “G” in the Freemasons logo stands for gnosis (knowledge) as in knowledge they are hiding from us within their secret society. 

“Symbolism is the language of the Mysteries … By symbols men have ever sought to communicate to each other those thoughts which transcend the limitations of language. Rejecting man-conceived dialects as inadequate and unworthy to perpetuate divine ideas, the Mysteries thus chose symbolism as a far more ingenious and ideal method of preserving their transcendental knowledge. In a single figure a symbol may both reveal and conceal, for to the wise the subject of the symbol is obvious, while to the ignorant the figure remains inscrutable. Hence, he who seeks to unveil the secret doctrine of antiquity must search for that doctrine not upon the open pages of books which might fall into the hands of the unworthy but in the place where it was originally concealed.”

—Manly P. Hall, “The Secret Teachings of All Ages,” (page 20).

“Signs and symbols rule the world, not words nor laws.”- Confucius

The network of secret societies controlled by the Illuminati always use symbols of the “all seeing eye.”  The origin and meaning behind that symbol doesn’t belong to any secret society.  It’s the eye of Horus, which is your pineal gland,  opening  your third eye, your spiritual eye. 

“The light of the body is the eye: if therefore thine eye be single, thy whole body shall be full of light.” – Matthew 6:22 KJV

The geometric shapes of vibration are what creates our physical reality.  Which most of these symbols all tie into.  

This is a great video about Saturn symbolism.

Symbols Rule the World

Published at: November 16, 2017 / Category: Media & InformationScience & TechnologySecret SocietiesTelecommunications / Comments: No Comments

If you have ever started your own business or created a website for yourself then you already know the importance of a logo or symbols.  It’s easier to remember the logo of a company than it’s the actual name.  The subconscious mind is much more powerful than we realize.  

There are symbols everywhere.   We see them so often but yet most of us don’t have an understanding as to what they really mean.  Secret Societies use symbolism to communicate with others and to hide the true meaning behind them. In today’s world, those symbols that most don’t understand and are used by secret societies are considered “evil”  or “satanic.”  

Just because a group  of people are using the symbol and have a sinister agenda does not mean they own the origin of that symbol and that everyone using it is connected and “evil.”  That’s just religious fear mongering to keep us from the truth.  Once you understand the symbolism in addition to what words mean in other languages (spells) then the whole house of cards collapses which would expand your consciousness.

Take the pentagram for example.  In some modern day religions it is viewed as some sort of evil symbol  and associated with witchcraft.  When in reality it has a very profound and ancient meaning.  If you draw a pentagram, the lines automatically divide themselves into segments according to the Divine Proportion. The ratios of the line segments in a pentacle all equal PHI making this symbol the ultimate expression of the Divine Proportion.

For this reason the five-pointed star has always been the symbol of beauty and perfection associated with the Goddess and the sacred feminine. The Sacred Geometry of nature, again is all about the Goddess, Mother nature, who gives us life.  Associated with the feminine aspect of consciousness.  The serpent is another symbol for that too.  

Be wise as serpents—and harmless as doves.” Matthew 10:16 KJV

The serpent energy is definitely one of the most primeval archetypes and in all ancient cultures was intimately connected with the mysteries of the divine female – Crompton

The “G” in the Freemasons logo stands for gnosis (knowledge) as in knowledge they are hiding from us within their secret society. 

“Symbolism is the language of the Mysteries … By symbols men have ever sought to communicate to each other those thoughts which transcend the limitations of language. Rejecting man-conceived dialects as inadequate and unworthy to perpetuate divine ideas, the Mysteries thus chose symbolism as a far more ingenious and ideal method of preserving their transcendental knowledge. In a single figure a symbol may both reveal and conceal, for to the wise the subject of the symbol is obvious, while to the ignorant the figure remains inscrutable. Hence, he who seeks to unveil the secret doctrine of antiquity must search for that doctrine not upon the open pages of books which might fall into the hands of the unworthy but in the place where it was originally concealed.”

—Manly P. Hall, “The Secret Teachings of All Ages,” (page 20).

“Signs and symbols rule the world, not words nor laws.”- Confucius

The network of secret societies controlled by the Illuminati always use symbols of the “all seeing eye.”  The origin and meaning behind that symbol doesn’t belong to any secret society.  It’s the eye of Horus, which is your pineal gland,  opening  your third eye, your spiritual eye. 

“The light of the body is the eye: if therefore thine eye be single, thy whole body shall be full of light.” – Matthew 6:22 KJV

The geometric shapes of vibration are what creates our physical reality.  Which most of these symbols all tie into.  

This is a great video about Saturn symbolism.


This article is also found at Hidden World of Symbols! –

Photos Extra Steve1 34934490_10156520897824595_8244253719684710400_n

Steve Erdmann- Independent Journalistic Investigator

You Can’t Find Love!

You Can’t Find Love


Steve Erdmann

Copyright, C, 2021

Another version of this article can be found at YOU CAN’T FIND LOVE! –


You can’t find love in s single’s bar –

And you’ll only find emptiness –

At the bottom of your jar –

And when life’s journey is finally through –

You will discover –

The real you.


It was about closing time –

I knew my life’s end was near –

Rum and whiskey –

And all that beer –

Then I saw her through all that smoke –

Her words softly saying –

Before my final stroke:


You can find love in a single’s bar –

And you’ll only loneliness –

Listening to a whaling guitar –

Here was my love, dear –

But your heart as afar –

From my sweet caress –

At that singles’ bar.


Was she an old friend –

That spoke from the past –

Or just an illusion –

That could not last?

Maybe if she has spoken a little fast –

I might have exited –

Leaving that glass


I didn’t find love at a singles’ bar –

And I only found emptiness –

At the bottom of my jar –

But when life’s journey was finally through –

I had discovered the real you.


Now a few bar-buddies, at my grave –

Come and stand –

But one lady, alone stands with trembling hand –

Oh, she seldom came to that dark ole’ bar –

But she was my star –

That shone from afar.

(And she cried):

I didn’t want love at a single’s bar –

I wanted you by my side –

No matter how far –

Now tht your life’s journey –

Is finally through –

I still pray that someday –

I’ll be with you.



Another version of this article can be found at YOU CAN’T FIND LOVE! –

Who are the Abductors?

THE WALTON EXPERIENCE, Travis Walton, Barkley Medallion Books, 200 Madison Avenue, New YROK, N.Y.  10016. 1978. 181 PAGES.  Condition:

 Acceptable $108.89




Steve Erdmann

Copyright, C, May 2021 – applies only to words of Steve Erdmann.  Other words may be under separate copyright and persons should contact the authors directly.

Another version of this article can be seen at Who are the abductors? –

Travis Walton finally updates on his mysterious claims that he was ‘zapped’  in the Arizona woods and taken aboard a UFO.   Was it really a hoax concocted  by the crew of forest workers? No, according to Travis Walton , not only did the men in the forest see a UFO but Travis was indeed taken aboard  the craft.    Polygraph tests seemed to indicate this, medical tests as well.  Yet, even though this case once again shows similarities  with several other UFO abduction cases  (bug eyed creatures,  large cranium humanoids, etc.), the inconsistencies are more puzzling. 

Could it possibly be, even though the outward appearances parade as authentic, that beneath its veneer   rests  a  mystery  larger than any ‘space visitors’ mysticism?    What could be more devastating than space visitors?    Perhaps Travis gives us a clue himself:  “By ‘alien’ I do not necessarily mean extraterrestrial.  I know of nothing that positively   indicates that these crafts or either their occupants came from outer space…(there are theorists that indicate a  reality) as being from this earth…”

Outlining the many theories, Travis, also details other offshoot  theories.   One of the many is the possible explanation that ‘saucers’ and /or ‘forces’ are apparitions  are ‘images’ or ‘symbols’ from the subconscious  triggered by electromagnetic energies from an intense field of energy (those oval lights in the night), sometimes so intense that one cannot look at he source.   The literal spaceship theory is a thing of the past, but what a more modern version will be, is yet hard to say.

“When I was first able to focus my eyes good enough, I was still on the table.    And as soon as I saw this face, and knew it wasn’t human, I tried to hit it away from me.    They were much smaller than me, and I think that’s the reason they gave up.   Once they found out they couldn’t control me, they split. I was absolutely terrified.”

Walton, pictured above, was declared missing for five days, during which time his logger buddies fell under suspicion of foul play.    When Walton finally turned up again, not knowing how long he’d been gone, an intense investigation was underway, including multiple polygraph, physical and psychological tests.

He tells HuffPost about little known aftermath details, including subsequent research in the forest area which has shown an unusual growth rate in trees in the immediate vicinity of the encounter.

“About 15 years later, it was discovered that the trees nearest to where [the UFO] hovered had been producing wood fiber at 36 times the rate it had in the 85 years before that,” Walton says. “More recently, a complete core sampling revealed that this thickened growth was only on the side of the trees towards, or in the direction that the craft had been.”

Walton addresses the stigma that he and so many other people — who claim encounters with possible alien beings — are generally considered unreliable wackos.

“The scientific evidence of the likelihood of intelligent life in our vicinity has become so overwhelming that the people who believe that we’re alone in the universe — those are the kooks.”

To commemorate the 40th anniversary of his close encounter, Walton will speak at the November Sky fire Summit in Arizona.    On the agenda is a road trip to the exact spot where this four-decade-long controversy began.

Early one November morning in 1975, a seven-man logging crew was returning home from working in Sit greaves National Park, near Snowflake, Arizona. What happened — and what they witnessed — from their truck is uncertain.

I could see out of this one craft — and I could see stars all around, but no planet or sun or anything like that.   So, at some distance from this solar system.- Travis Walton, self-described alien abductee

But at some point one of the men (Travis Walton, 22), disappeared — only to re-emerge five days later at a nearby gas station. He claimed he had been abducted by aliens.

Alleged alien abductee Travis Walton in 1975. (Michael Rogers/courtesy of Travis Walton).

As it Happens host Barbara Frum spoke with Mr. Walton later that month.   Here is part of that interview.

Barbara Frum: Mr. Walton, how are you?

Travis Walton: I’m feeling a lot better.

BF: Where were you?

TW: I don’t know.

BF: Can you tell us anything of what happened?

TW: I could see out of this one craft — and I could see stars all around, but no planet or sun or anything like that.   So, at some distance from this solar system.

I became conscious inside the craft. And I believed I was in the hospital. I was in a lot of pain. And as I became more conscious, I looked around and I saw alien beings and I just panicked.- Travis Walton

BF: When you got off the truck to see the object that the other people on the truck saw, do you remember what you thought when you were running toward it? 

TW: I just wanted to get a closer look. I didn’t have any idea of what would happen. 

BF: Did you hear the truck drive off without you? 

TW: No. I was unconscious at that time. I didn’t see any blue ray like they described. I just blacked out. I was just struck. And shocked, sort of.

BF: Now what’s the next thing you know for sure?

TW: I became conscious inside the craft. And I believed I was in the hospital. I was in a lot of pain. And as I became more conscious, I looked around and I saw alien beings and I just panicked. 

BF: How’d they look?

TW: They looked almost human. They were very white — on their skin, and hairless. And in reddish-brown coveralls.

BF: What do you mean ‘hairless’?

TW: No hair on the head, no eyebrows, no eyelashes.

BF: No moustaches?

TW: No. 

BF: How did they treat you?

TW: I reacted violently, because of the shock and the pain I was in. But looking back on it now, I don’t believe they had any harmful intentions. 

BF: What did they feed you?

TW: I don’t recall ever being fed. I was only conscious for two or three hours out of the five-and-a-half days. Hypnosis has been trying to see if there’s any blocked memory there, or if perhaps I was just totally unconscious for that time. But there was a mark on my arm that suggested intravenous feeding.

BF: How much weight did you lose in the five days?

TW: Ten or twelve pounds. I’ve regained all of about three pounds of that weight I’ve ost.  

BF: Anyone in Snowflake, Arizona, believing you?

TW: Acceptance is growing — especially since the final word of the experts that I was examined by after my return. A lot of negative publicity went out immediately, because since I was under testing and not available for any kind of an interview or comment, they just seized on a lot of speculation and a lot of negative things came out. But since then, acceptance has been growing tremendously. 

BF: Are you going to write a book?

TW: It’s been suggested to me. There’s so much to tell. It’d probably be a good idea.

The Hit The Lights Podcast

The Travis Walton UFO incident & Abduction

APRIL 17, 2020 TOP5S

The Hit The Lights Podcast

The Travis Walton UFO incident & Abduction The Travis Walton UFO incident & Abduction

It is one of the most famous and at the same time one of the most controversial cases in Ufology.  Travis Walton is now a name that has become synonymous with the alien abduction phenomena thanks in no small part to the mass media attention his case received at the time.  This profile was only raised further with the release of the 1993 movie “Fire in the Sky” which chronicled the events surrounding his abduction.  But for all those who believe Walton’s story, there seem to be an equal number of people who doubt his authenticity and both he and the other witnesses to the events that fateful night have come under personal attacks by those claiming they faked the whole thing as part of some money-making scheme.

Walton’s story has left researchers, sceptics and law enforcement asking countless questions regarding their respective fields of interest.   But the one question everyone seems to want to know the answer to is this; just where was Travis Walton between November 5th and November 10th, 1975.   Was he as some have suggested, hiding out in a cabin or a tent deep in the forests of Arizona, waiting to re-emerge with tall tales of aliens?   Or was he indeed carried away by some unknown force for reasons that still elude us?

In this Destination Declassified video, we are going to break down key points in the Travis Walton case.   It is not our aim to prove Walton is telling the truth nor are we here to suggest he is a liar but until he or his colleagues come forward admitting it is a hoax or some previously undiscovered evidence emerges that proves he is telling the truth; we are left with deciding for ourselves what we want to believe.

The apparent alien abduction of (then) 22-year-old Travis Walton in the winter of 1975 is perhaps one of the most well-known of such encounters.   Not least due to Walton’s story resulting in a book and then the movie – Fire In The Sky.   It is also, perhaps ironically, this monetary “compensation” enjoyed by Walton that has led some to cast doubt on the incident, with several investigators claiming the account is nothing but a hoax. In September 2017, Walton would defend himself against such claims.   Although, as we will look at shortly, Walton did fail one lie-detector test, he has passed no less than sixteen others. The main witnesses to the incident also passed their lie-detector tests, and furthermore, it is hard to see what each of the men would have to gain by supporting an apparent hoax.

Travis Walton

It remains a case that fascinates most and divides opinion in others.   It is potentially, however, barring any kind of proof or admission of fabricated or manufactured events, one of the most important incidents of its kind. And certainly, one of the most documented and investigated.   The case is not only intriguing, but it also opens other avenues and areas of concern regarding the UFO and alien question.    Not least, the apparent rabid nature of skeptics, or perhaps even those that use skepticism as a shield to issue disinformation and cover over whatever truth might be available.

Before we move on look at this most intriguing encounter in more detail, check out the short video below.    It is the trailer to the “Fire In The Sky” movie.    As Walton would state later, the filmmakers used “artistic license” with some of the scenes on board the UFO, but the essence of the account is true to reality.

A Glow In The Woods

On the evening of 5th November 1975, at a little after 6 pm following another hard, grinding day sawing trees in the Apache-Sitgreaves region of the US National Forest, seven hired woodcutters were making their way home to the town of Snowflake,    Arizona in the head of the group, Michael Rogers’ pick-up truck.    As they chatted among themselves, the men, Rogers, and Walton, along with Ken Peterson, John Goulette, Steve Pierce, Allen Dallis, and Dwayne Smith, suddenly noticed a strange glow coming from the woodland that hugged the side of the road.    Thinking it was perhaps a forest fire, all the men were suddenly more attentive than they might have been, lest they became trapped in such a situation.

According to MUFON’s report on the incident, as they approached the hill in the road where the light was coming from, they suddenly saw a “large silver disc” hovering over a clearing in the roads. It glowed brightly, lighting up the patch of ground underneath it. Slightly in shock at what he was seeing,    Rogers would bring the truck to a stop.     As soon as he did so, and without warning, Walton would leap out of the passenger-side door and walked directly towards the strange, glowing craft.

Not hearing, or not listening to the rest of the woodcutting crew who were pleading and demanding he return to the truck, Walton continued until he was standing directly underneath the mystery object.    Then, strange mechanical turbine-like noises began to fill the air.    At the same time, the craft began to wobble, still in its hovering position.    Walton, perhaps now sensing something was about to happen, stepped back slightly and slowly began to back away.

Then, came the “beam of blue-green light”.

“Beam” Strike And Disappearance

According to the reports of UFO researcher, Jerome Clark, the witnesses from their vantage point from inside the truck, witnessed a blue-green beam strike Walton square in the chest.    This caused him to rise “a foot into the air, his arms and legs outstretched, and shoot back stiffly some ten feet”.    During this, Walton remained within the glow of the craft’s light. Suddenly he was seemingly flung to the ground “like he’d touched a live wire”, striking his shoulder upon landing “his body sprawled limply”, apparently dead.    That is certainly what the rest of the group initially thought as they sped away from the scene as quickly as they could.

What exactly happened next and in what exact timeframe varies slightly from account to account.    However, after initially fleeing the scene the remaining six made the decision to return to the area to retrieve their friend and colleague.    However, upon doing so, he was no longer there.    Despite being sure they had the correct location; he was simply nowhere to be seen.

More than unnerved and simmering towards panic, the men would drive to a shopping center in the nearby town of Heber. Again, while the exact timeframe varies slightly, sometime between 7:30 pm and 8 pm, Ken Peterson, on behalf of all six of them, phoned the local police.    His call was answered by Deputy Sheriff Chuck Ellison. Although on the phone Peterson stated merely that one of their crew had gone missing, Ellison still agreed to meet them at their location.

When he arrived, however, the men, all visibly distressed (with some close to tears) would tell them exactly what they had seen.

The crew of Travis Walton

“If They Were Acting, They Were Awfully Good At It!”

Perhaps naturally, Ellison was taken aback with the outlandish nature of such a serious claim. However, he would later state of the men’s demeanor and behavior, “if they were acting, they were awfully good at it”.

It was at this point, himself slightly overwhelmed with the strange nature of the apparent incident, that Ellison would contact his superior, Sheriff Marlin Gillespie.    His orders were to ask the men to remain at the shopping center under his supervision until he could arrive. Around 9 pm, Gillespie, along with police officer, Ken Coplan, pulled up their police car in Heber.

By this time, several members of the crew, Rogers, were becoming increasingly anxious. With the apparent lack of action Rogers would demand that a search was launched immediately and that they should return to the scene of the incident   . Although they were not able to utilize any police search dogs, several officers, along with Rogers, Peterson, and Dalis did examine the location.    However, there was no sign of Walton. And perhaps more importantly to their suspicions, there was no sign that anything as untoward as the crew were claiming had taken place.

The remaining crew members in the meantime would return to Snowflake and begin to inform family and friends of the bizarre situation.    As the night wore on the search would have to be delayed until the morning. However, there was concern among the police that Walton, who was dressed only in jeans, shirt, and a light jacket, would fall victim to the brutal winter-like, freezing conditions of the forest.

Suspicions Of A Hoax

Along with Roger, Coplan would travel to Walton’s mother, Mary Walton Kellett’s house to inform her of the situation and the witnesses’ account of it. Her response and overall demeanor would strike Coplan as “odd”. Rogers would tell her of her son’s disappearance to which she calmly listened before asking him to repeat the account.   Then, the first question she asked was whether anyone else other than the crew and the police were aware of the situation. Coplan believed it wasn’t a typical response of a mother informed her son is missing. Ultimately, it would simply harden his suspicion of one untruth or another regarding Walton’s apparent disappearance.

However, deeper analysis of Walton’s mother’s general character would suggest this aloof type of response to be in line with her personality and attitude.    She had, for example, raised six children, largely by herself and in difficult circumstances. She was ultimately very “guarded” regarding her feelings in public. As the days went on, though, the stress became all too apparent for all to see.    On the night of the disappearance, she would contact Walton’s brother, Duane. Upon hearing the news, he would travel to Snowflake from his home in Glendale, Arizona.

By the following day, 6th November, with the sunbathing the area in full light, the region was searched once more. This time, many more people were part of the operation, including multiple volunteers from the local community.    However, once again, there was no sign whatsoever of Travis Walton. Police, at least privately, suspected that the “UFO story” had been put in place to cover up an accident, or even a homicide.

The Fred Syvanus Tape

It was only a matter of days before news of the incident leaked to the reporters from a whole range of sensationalist-type tabloid newspapers. As well as UFO investigators with various degrees of genuineness and competence.   One of those UFO investigators hailed from Phoenix, Fred Sylvanus. Whether his intentions were well-intended or not, the interviews he obtained with Michael Rogers and Walton’s brother Duane would go on to be often used by skeptics. It perhaps didn’t help that both men would openly, and maybe correctly, criticize the effort by the police in finding their colleague and brother.

More importantly and, in part, a genuine cause of concern over the years was Rogers’ “admission” that he would no longer be able to fulfill his logging contract.   We will come back to this later as if there is any kind of fraudulent behavior afoot, this could be key.

The other statement would come from Walton’s brother, Duane.   He would reveal that both he and his brother had a long-lasting interest in UFOs. In fact, Duane would even reveal that he had witnessed a UFO himself twelve years previously.   Furthermore, he would offer completely of his own accord, that both he and Travis had made a pact that if either of them was ever to witness a UFO they would “get as close as possible”.   Some reports even claim they would “try to get on board”.

Each of these statements would be used repeatedly against those involved with the case. Before we move on, let’s look a little further at the logging contract.   And, as unlikely as it might have been, why it is, whether coincidentally or not, perhaps the one real chink in the armor of their story.

The Logging Contract

The timber thinning contract that Michael Rogers successfully bid for and won in the spring of 1974 is perhaps of interest.   As per the terms of the deal struck with the US Forest Service, Rogers would be responsible for the thinning operation over 1,277 acres of land in the Apache-Sit greaves forest. Rogers, in part, was successful with his bid due to considerable undercutting of the other companies bidding for the contract.   However, by the summer of 1975, it was becoming increasingly obvious to Rogers that he was simply not going to meet the predetermined deadline to have the work completed.

This would lead him to apply for a deadline extension.   This was granted, but it would mean a monetary fine against what he had agreed to be paid. He would forfeit one dollar per acre for all work carried out after the original deadline.   The new extension was agreed, and Rogers was to have the thinning operation complete by the 10th of November. Once again, however, it quickly became apparent to Rogers that he was going to miss this second, extended deadline. If Rogers applied for another extension, which may have been granted, he would incur further fines.    Furthermore, due to the already missed original target date, the Forest Service wouldn’t pay in full for the work until it was complete.

This was quite a concern for Rogers.    Not only would he not be able to pay his crew, but he also himself would be severely hampered financially.    And with winter just around the corner which would even further hamper work, some believe that Rogers, along with the rest of the crew concocted the abduction claim to have their contract voided and receive payment in full due to circumstances beyond their control stopping them from finishing the work.

Suspicions Of Foul Play

As the days went on following Walton’s disappearance and several unsuccessful searches of the Turkey Springs area where the crew had been working, suspicion began to increasingly return to the crew members.    Due to the amount of time, he had been missing combined with the below freezing temperatures of the first two nights of his disappearance, the feeling among the police began to discreetly change from a search-and-rescue mission to one of recovering the young man’s body.

After the second full day of searching, the police would approach the crew members with an offer for them to take a lie detector test.    They had initially offered to take “any kind” of test in the hours following the disappearance to prove their account was truthful. Polygraph examiner, Cy Gilson, generally respected in his field as being fair and accurate with such readings, would conduct the tests.

All the crew members would pass the tests with no problems whatsoever, aside from Allen Dalis, whose didn’t fail the test, but whose results were inconclusive. It was also known that Dalis didn’t particularly get on with Walton.    His inconclusive result, despite the efforts of the crew members, singled him out as being responsible for what the police were increasingly sure was Walton’s death. Incidentally, just under twenty years later in 1993, Gilson would retest Mike Rogers and Allen Dalis, as well as Travis Walton.    He would use a “state-of-the-art” computer. All of three of the men passed the test.

Back in the winter of 1975, among suspicions of foul play, Walton’s sister, Grant Neff, received a sudden phone call slightly after midnight on the evening of the 10th of November (going into the 11th of November).    On the other end was Travis.

Several suspected Walton of a hoax

The Reappearance

Walton sounded confused, panicked, and disorientated. His sister managed to retrieve information that he was calling from an Exxon Station somewhere nearby.    Grant’s husband and Walton’s brother, Duane, would immediately jump in their vehicle and head towards Heber where they indeed found Walton “crumpled to the floor of the phone booth” at the gas station.

Years later, in the book ‘The Walton Experience’, Walton would recall his first memories of waking up following his five-day disappearance.    He would claim that he “regained consciousness lying on my stomach” with his head on his outstretched arm.    He immediately noticed how cold the air was and was “instantly awake”. It was then he noticed a bright light “on the bottom of a curved, gleaming hull”.    Then, he noticed the “mirrored outline of a silvery disc” hovering somewhere over him.

He would estimate the craft to have been around forty feet in length. It moved silently above him for several moments.    As he followed it moving only his eyes from where he lay he could “see the night sky, the surrounding trees, and the highway center line reflected in the curving mirror of its hull”. Suddenly a “warmth” caressed the exposed skin of his body.    Then the object “shot vertically into the sky”. In an instant, the craft was gone.    Walton would later recall that “the most striking thing about its departure was its quietness”.

After taking Walton to his mother’s house, his brother Duane would take him to a hospital in Phoenix.    And after some initial resistance, all involved would allow APRO (Aerial Phenomena Research Organization) to drive the case.    They would immediately have Walton examined by two different physicians.

Memories From Inside The Craft

According to Walton, the last thing he clearly remembered was being struck by the beam of light as he stood underneath the glowing disc.    The next thing he knew, he was lying on a flat service like a “reclined bed”.    He immediately noticed that the air was damp and “heavy”.    He also immediately felt pain all over his body.    A light shone down on him from above. Each breath was decidedly difficult and painful.

He at first believed he was in a hospital somewhere.    Then, he noticed the three figures stood around him.    Each donned an orange suit, although it was perfectly obvious to Walton that they were not at all human.    He would later state these figures were around five feet high, certainly no taller than that, and with strange bald and enormous heads.    Their eyes were equally large.    He would describe them as “almost brown without much white in them”.    The rest of their facial features were decidedly smaller than their size suggested. What Walton was ultimately describing was three, grey aliens.

With a surge of fear-induced adrenalin running through him, Walton jumped down from the bed and quickly stood.    He began to shout at the three strange creatures, warning them to stay away.    He managed to pick up a “glasslike cylinder” from a shelf as he backed away.    His intention was to smash to object and use it as a weapon.    However, he was unable to break it. Instead, he waved it at the three creatures and continued to shout.    To his amazement, they backed away and left the room.    After waiting for a moment, Walton also left the room.

The High-Backed Chair In The Round Room

He would proceed down a hallway and soon found himself in a round room.    He could see a strange chair with an overly large back to it sitting in the middle of the room. Walton stepped forward, making his way towards the chair. As he moved inside the room, lights began to come on around him.    He cast his eyes around the intriguing and mysterious room, assuring himself he was still the only one inside. Satisfied, he moved forward, sitting in the chair.    Upon doing so, lights came on all around the room reminding Walton of a “planetarium ceiling”.

He would recall that the left-hand arm of the chair had a “single short thick lever” with an “oddly molded handle”.    On the other arm was a lime-green screen, casting out a warm glow. Walton pushed on the lever and the “lights” rotated until he let go of it, now stopping in their new position.    Suddenly realizing he had no real idea what such buttons and levers might do, he got out of the chair. As he did so, the lights above him went out.

Then he heard a noise from behind.    He spun around, witnessing a tall humanoid figure with a glassy helmet.    On its frame was blue coveralls. Walton began to fire questions at the “man”, but he either didn’t hear or ignored him. Instead, he would motion to him that he should follow him. Walton did so, following the tall figure down another hallway.    He carried on down a steep ramp and soon found himself in another large room.    A room like an aircraft hangar.    It was then that he realized the ramp was a walkway out of the disc-shaped craft. He saw two other discs “landed” in the hangar in front of him.

Mothership, Or Terrestrial Base?

Whether Walton was on board a mothership of sorts somewhere in Earth’s orbit or even farther out in space, or whether he was taken to a more terrestrial base somewhere on Earth is unclear.    He was, however, led into another room where he claimed to see three humans, two men and a woman.    Unlike the person who had led him here, these people had no helmets although they too, as Walton could also now see of the helmeted man, had a strange larger appearance to their eyes.

Once more he began to ask questions of the trio.    However, much in the same way as the first humanoid, they dismissed his inquiries.    They instead directed him to another table-like object, motioning that he should sit down.    Before he realized what was happening, the “woman” approached him. In her hands, she had a mask-like device. In another second it was clasped to his face.    A second later, he lost consciousness.

Walton claimed his next memory is of waking up, on his stomach outside the gas station in the freezing cold.    Above him was one of the disc-shaped objects which shot directly upwards at breakneck speed after several seconds. It was then, still confused, that Walton went to the telephone box nearby. In his mind, he believed he had been missing for a few hours. It was only when his brother arrived that he was told he had been missing for a full five days.

A Purposeful “Mental Block!”

There were certainly some interesting details that surfaced in the immediate aftermath of Walton’s return.    Many theories circulated that Walton may have been attacked and drugged. He had, according to the theory, awoken in an unknown hospital.    And confused, would believe his strange surroundings to be that of the inside of a spaceship. While that would perhaps make sense, it wouldn’t explain the sighting of the disc-shaped craft by all the crew, including Walton. Indeed, it was this sighting that would have, if we believe the above theory, influenced Walton’s confused perception.    And besides, if Walton was attacked in such a manner, by whom? And why?    Furthermore, there was no sign of head injury.    Nor were any drugs that may have caused such confusion present in his system.

Another little-known event in the immediate days following Walton’s return was a meeting he and his brother, Duane had with ARPO consultant, James Harder.    To prove his genuineness, and to unlock any other memories of the account, Walton would agree to undergo hypnotic regression.    Harder himself would conduct the session.    What was interesting, though, was that Walton’s “conscious recall and unconscious memory were the same”.    Furthermore, and perhaps even more interesting, on either mental level, Walton could access only the two-hour period following the beam of light hitting him in the chest. Anything beyond that had a feeling of being “off-limits”.

Both Walton and Harder would get the impression that there were indeed memories  to unlock, but that there was a purposeful “mental block” preventing access to them.    Walton would even state that if attempts to retrieve these memories continued “he would die”.

Interesting Details And “Other” Sightings

There were other details that very much supported Walton’s claims.    He sported a full five days’ worth of beard growth, for example. He also appeared significantly malnourished.    What is interesting, however, is that despite this very real physical evidence of a prolonged period of starvation, there is also evidence to suggest that some form of basic nutrition would find its way to Walton.    There wasn’t, for example, elevated levels of electrolytes in the blood, which would normally be the case had Walton literally starved of all nutrition for a prolonged period.

So, with that in mind, whoever or whatever did take Walton from the woodlands of Arizona, and wherever they took him, they were concerned, prepared, and aware enough to administer appropriate levels of fluids and nutrients to prevent any long-term damage to his health.

Perhaps also of interest are several sightings on the 10th of November – several hours before the apparent return of Walton.     Although the location is unclear, the witness would report seeing a “V-formation of orange lights” over her house.    She waited to see if the lights would return. Then, she blacked out.    Her next memory is of sitting a large chair in a strange room with dim lights all around.    She could see several “human figures” walking back and forth through a doorway.    The next thing she knew, she was back in her home.

On the same night, a report came from Minot Air Force Base in North Dakota. According to the report, “a bright star-like object…about the size of a car” was moving across the sky. Estimations would suggest an altitude of 1,000 to 2,000 feet high but with no noise whatsoever. The sighting would receive corroboration from three other witnesses. Interestingly, several sightings came from Canada in the early hours of 11th November.

The Movie “Fire In The Sky” – A Great Display Of The Emotional Impact

Several years after the abduction encounter in 1978, Walton would release the book ‘The Walton Experience’ in which he would tell the full story, as much as he could remember of it, of his abduction and the events that unfolded afterward.    The book would eventually result in the movie by Paramount Pictures ‘Fire In The Sky’ in 1993.

As we will examine a little more later, many used already established suspicions and added the monetary gain Walton would have had for the releases as further evidence that the whole event was a hoax.   In defense of Walton, and some of the others such as Rogers and Dalis, the events so well and widely scrutinized, it would be extremely difficult to go back to any resemblance of a normal life.    Add to that the emotional state of Walton’s mindset following the incident, even if he had been able to just step back into his “old life”, his fragile state of mind required he very much stay out of the limelight.    So, any form of monetary compensation offered would have surely been a welcome relief.

The film was a moderate success and generally met with good reviews.    Some of the scenes inside the craft were overblown.    And not at all in sympathy with Walton’s account. They did, though, “borrow” details from a  medley of other similar abduction accounts.    And so still present a realistic experience.    What the film really does achieve greatly is relate how such an incident impacts on those involved both emotionally and mentally.    Even the crew’s decision to report the incident would come after indecision and second-guessing.

You can check out the short video below where Walton talks a little of the “artistic decisions” of the film.

Further Points Of Interest

We will look at the renowned UFO skeptic, Philip Klass, and his perception of the case shortly.    However, one of the main areas of concern for those looking to prove a hoax was Walton’s apparent previous interest in UFOs and aliens. In fact, one person who knew the family claimed that Walton was a “UFO freak” and had been for years. Another stated that the entire (Walton) family had made claims of seeing UFOs over the years.

This is a particularly interesting point.    Many alien abductees discover that their abductions been a recurring process for many years.    Often going back to their youths.    Many also involve other family members such as siblings or parents.    And what’s more, these abductions, in some cases, have gone on through generations going back decades. With that in mind, then, and if we accept Walton’s account as true, genuine, and accurate, it is perhaps no surprise that Walton’s mother and siblings have also had similar accounts to tell of.    Even should none of them remember an abduction, it is at least possible if they are seeing UFOs combined with what we know of Walton’s account, that they too have had similar more close-up encounters.

Before we examine some of the claims of a hoax, check out the short video below. It features Walton, many years after the incident returning to the scene of the abduction. Interestingly, the area has experienced an accelerated rate of growth in the trees in the immediate vicinity of the area.    Experts have claimed this accelerated growth is simply a natural occurrence and is not at all proof of a strange incident being the conduit for such a change in growth acceleration. However, trees cut down immediately prior to the incident, suggest otherwise.

The Bias And Manipulative Narrative Of Philip Klass?

One of the main skeptics of the incident at the time was Philip Klass.    However, Klass’ bias and manipulative style in using out-of-context part quotes and bending them to his narrative are very much on show here. A lot of this would come from comments on the Fred Sylvanus tape.

For example, Klass would ultimately paint a picture of a hoax, with Rogers and Walton at the top.    Merely keeping the rest of the crew in line with promises of monetary gain and outright threats of violence. He would question that Rogers at no time showed “the slightest concern over whether Travis might have been injured or killed”.    However, when listening to the hour-long interview in full, this isn’t the case.    The interview occurred while Rogers and Dalis were physically searching for Walton. Several comments about the nature and state of Walton’s injury are clear. Even that at one stage that several of the crew, including himself, started crying due to the bizarre events.

Another example is a conversation Klass puts across as Rogers threatening one his crew, Steve Pierce, who had apparently been offered $10,000 to sign and stand by a denial of the events. Apparently, he was thinking of doing this to which, according to Klass, Rogers said “Then you’ll spend the money alone and you’ll be bruised”.

However, the full quote from Rogers is entirely different. It was, “Steve told me and Travis that he had been offered $10,000 just to sign a denial. He said he was thinking about taking it. We asked him. ‘    Even though you know it happened, would you deny it just for the money?’    He said maybe he would. He was thinking about it.   So, I told him ‘Then you’ll spend the money alone, and you’ll be bruised”.

The “Forest Contract Theory” And Attacks On Trivial Issues

While the theory that the alien abduction of Travis Walton was really a hoax to release Rogers from his logging contract is sound, in theory, it was one that Klass pushed in his overzealous way.    According to him, Forest Service Contracting Officer Maurice Marchbanks, confirmed that such an incident, if it were true, would be an “act of God” and would free Rogers of his contract and result in him receiving all monies owed.

However, Klass didn’t feel the need to also relay March bank’s opinion that such a hoax was improbable.    He would state that “there was no way such an alleged hoax could benefit Rogers”.    Others involved with the Forest Service agreed that he would have nothing to gain from such a hoax.    Not least to his reputation.

Klass also drew overzealous attention to the fact that Walton, through his own admission, had smoked marijuana “a few times” in his youth.    Although attitudes to such a minor drug are much more liberal and sensible today, at the time in the mid-1970s, many in society simply wouldn’t separate smoking a joint to sticking needles in one’s arms.    Klass was aware of this also and used the matter-of-fact admission to paint Walton as a “drug-user”.

Klass also reported that Walton had previously served time in jail.    This isn’t true.    Several years previously, he and Rogers’ younger brother altered payroll checks and declared guilty of check fraud.    The pair would complete two years’ probation.    Despite the incident being his only serious legal trouble, Walton has stated his “embarrassment” at it.

The “Failed” Lie Detector Test

Then, there is the failed lie-detector test of Travis Walton, the very first lie-detector test following his reappearance.    Klass alleges that this test not only proves Walton to be a fraud but that APRO actively suppressed it. In truth, this wasn’t quite the case.    A lie detector test had indeed taken place.    On 15th November, only five days after Walton reappeared in Heber.

The National Enquirer newspaper would essentially bankroll the APRO investigation into the Walton case.    They, in turn, were looking for exclusive rights to their findings.    The first test was administered by John McCarthy.    A man with two decades of experience and very much respected.    At least according to Klass. However, while he declared that his opinion was “gross deception” APRO argued the test to be inconclusive.    This, due to the still emotional state of Walton.    Perhaps most intriguing, however, was that when McCarthy’s test records were examined by Dr. David Raskin.    Many see Raskin to be the best in his field.    He would state McCarthy’s technique was “unacceptable”.    Furthermore, his equipment and use of it was “thirty years out of date”.

Just as an example, McCarthy appeared aggressive in his questioning.    At one point asking if he (Walton) had “colluded” to manufacture a hoax.    Walton replied he didn’t know what the word meant.    McCarthy would fire back that collusion was “planning or conspiring”. Just like he had “colluded to steal and forge payroll checks”.

Whether the decision to keep this first test “quiet” was correct or ultimately more damaging, is open to debate.    It does appear, however, that McCarthy was biased and unable to conduct such a test.    Not least due to the bizarre nature of the events of Walton’s mentally fragile state at the time.

A Genuine Close Contact Encounter?

On balance, it is likely that the abduction of Travis Walton is a genuine account of close extraterrestrial contact extraterrestrial.    There are, however, some intriguing aspects to examine.

For example, where did Walton go once inside the disc-shaped craft?    Did he leave the planet and go somewhere into the near or far reaches of space?    Or was his journey more terrestrial? Was he, in fact, taken to one of the many alleged secret bases?    One deep underground somewhere in a remote location on Earth?    And if so, what does that tell us of those behind such bases?    Were the “humans” that Walton witnessed humans?    Or were they humanoid and still of an extraterrestrial nature?    And if they were human, does that suggest some authenticity to the claims of an alien-human pact?    One that proceeds with dark, clandestine operations on the rest of the planet’s populace?

Whatever the truth Walton would ultimately return to normal life.    Marrying Rogers’ younger sister, Dana, and eventually finding work at a lumber mill in Snowflake.    He occasionally appears on television specials or at UFO conventions.    One of the most memorable was perhaps in 1993 following the release of the ‘Fire In The Sky’ movie.    Both Walton and Rogers would appear on Larry King Live along with the Klass.     During the interview, Klass would lose his temper and announce Walton to be a “goddamned liar”.    Many still consider Klass a genuine skeptic and debunker of such cases.    Many others, though, including some skeptics, suspect him spreading disinformation.

Seven People, Over Forty Years, And Numerous Lie-Detector Tests?

The details offered by Walton at the time were also quite unique.    Certainly, from much of what was in the public arena of the era.    We must remember; this was before the Internet and the sharing of information among enthusiasts.    Many would even draw attention to a TV-movie (The UFO Incident) based on the abduction of the Betty and Barny Hill, perhaps the first widely known abduction case that had aired in the weeks leading up to the alleged abduction of Walton.

Some charge that this movie, in part, gave Walton and Rogers, the core of their idea to perpetuate the hoax. If this were the case, however, it would perhaps make sense that Walton would have offered details more in line to that of the Hill incident.    He didn’t, though.    The details offered of both the abduction and the particulars of the craft were completely different.    They would also be ones that would surface in other reports over the years. Furthermore, Walton could only remember two hours of the incident and not any other memories of the five days he was missing.     Again, this apparent simplicity suggests an authentic account.

Is the location of importance?    After all, the remote and dense forest regions of Arizona and the surrounding states are mysterious.    Rife with reports not only of UFO sightings but strange activity.    Much of which dates back hundreds of years.

The video below is one of many interview and lectures available by Walton.    Make of it, and his account, what you will.    Although first, ask yourselves, would a hoax, one that stretches in several directions, and under the scrutiny of multiple lie-detector tests truly stand up for over four decades?


The stories, accounts, and discussion in this article are not always based on proven facts and may go against currently accepted science and common beliefs.  The details included in the article are based on the reports and accounts available to us as provided by witnesses and documentation.

By publishing these accounts, Steve Erdmann does not take responsibility for the integrity of them.  You should read this article with an open mind and conclude yourself.

The copyright applies only to the words of Steve Erdmann.  Other copywritten material should be dealt with by contacting the original authors.

Another version of this article can be seen at Who are the abductors? –

Photos Extra Steve1 34934490_10156520897824595_8244253719684710400_n

Steve C, Erdmann, C, May, 2021, Independent Investigative Journalist

Another version of this article can be seen at Project Identification –

UFOs that Whistle!

They Move in Mysterious Circles

When UFOs Whistle


Steve Erdmann

Copyright, 2018, Steve Erdmann
Permission to quote small portions with credits by news and journalist.
This article is basically a reprint of the same article published March 09, 2017 in, published here with permission.

Another version of this article can be seen at The Hidden World of UFOs – –

Photos Extra Watchers 28168565_10155234862547703_7769337695049648963_n

“Greed and control (are) easily understood; the bureaucratic inertia of large secret operations is yet another matter. After decades of operations, lies, public deceptions, and worse, how does such a group unravel all the webs it has weaved…a Spector of a sort of cosmic Watergate?”

Steven M. Greer, Unacknowledged, p. 82.

Doctor Steven M. Greer, founder of the Disclosure Project, has dedicated his life to discovering facts and evidence that we are being visited by extraterrestrials and their spacecraft, and over a period of time, we have mimicked their crafts by retrieving crashed ETVs (extraterrestrial vehicles) and also inventing our own Alien Reproduction Vehicles (ARVs). Greer’s thesis is surrounded by talk of interstellar technology, more than twenty downed ETVs, in a boondoggle of $80 billion to $100 billion spent annually from taxpayers’ monies into Unacknowledged Special Access Projects (USAPS). Reinforcing this reality, Greer has gathered over 800 government, military and corporate witnesses and whistle-blowers.

(UNACKNOWLEDGED, Steven M. Greer, M.D., A&M Publishing, L.L.C., West Palm Beach, Florida 33411, 2017, 326 pages, $25.95.)

“Somewhere along the line they may see that material and realize there is some very highly sensitive information that would have a damning effect upon the national security of (the) United States, should it become compromised.  It needs to be further protected to ensure that there is only a limited access to that information to a small number of people.  So small you can put them on a single piece of paper and list them by name.  Thus you have the Special Access programs.”

Sergeant Clifford Stone, U.S. Army Retrieval Unit, Unacknowledged, p.32.

WhenUFOsWhistle Shadows ( httpsfee.orgarticleswhat-is-the-deep-state ) shutterstock_577208014_mini
They Hide in Special Access Programs

Don Philips was a U.S Air Force contractor at Lockheed Skunk Works where the CIA Kelly Johnson the skunkworks on design and construction of the U-2 and the SR-71 Blackbird stealth craft.  In 1966, Philips was working at a classified radar installation, watching for aircraft coming into Area 51. About one o’clock in the morning, Philips noticed a group of five people were transfixed to ‘something’ in the air.

“I looked up, I saw this lighted object moving at tremendous speed,” said Philips.  “It was in the area slightly northwest of Mount Charleston. Right at that instant I saw these things traveling, I would estimate, at 3,000 to 4,000 miles per hour – and then immediately make acute turns.”

The UFOs circled around for another ninety seconds, grouped in the sky to the west, made a circle, rotated, and then disappeared. Anthony Kasar, a chief radar operator, saw them on his radar. “We saw them on the radar screen and we documented them,” he said. “They are not apparitions. They are real objects,” they had to be to get a fix with radar.

Kasur said there were six to seven of them, traveling at speeds of 3,800 to 4,200 miles per hour, they would dart across the sky, stop, do 60-degree, 45-degree or 10-degree turns after stopping and then reversing their actions (pp. 35-38).

Photos Extra Two Saucers ( httpswww.sparknotes.commindhut20121003science-fiction-vrs-fantasy-science-fiction-wins-by-a-parsec ) scivsfantasyscirulesbrah_LargeWide
They are Not Apparitions – They are Real Objects

Dr. B is a scientist and engineer who worked on top-secret projects involving antigravity, secured telemetry and communications, chemical warfare, electromagnetic pulse technology, and extremely high-energy space-based laser systems.

Dr. B was trained at Lackland Air Force Base, but eventually went to Keesler AFB, and then the United States Armed Forces Institute where he worked with early warning radar at Point Arena.

The scientist said his position had ANF PS35 radar and had a range of 455 miles, which was classified information at that time.  It was called “a search set.”

He said that every night, thousands of UFOs would come down over northern California about 20-miles out from Point Arena at 20,000 miles per hour, head to Baja, turn and go across Mexico at about 5,000 miles per hour, but do this almost every night.

Dr. B said they had a room, called PPT Scopes-Planned Position Indicator Scopes, where he would go to troubleshoot equipment.  Dr. B said he would fill out DDS Form 332, and turn them in to the Sergeant-on-guard, as double security.

The doctor noted, however, “they’d shred about half the reports of the UFOs.”  This went on year-round, even though they were a SAC Squadron Strategic Air Command. He estimated the year of these occurrences was about 1960.

As an instrumentation specialist, Dr. B associated with EG&G[1] in Vegas and Area 51, the Atomic Energy Commission at Amarillo, Texas, Bell Telephone, Langley, Quantico for the CIA and FBI. When Dr. B worked at Autonetrics, he was attached to a billion-dollar-WATT-LAZER-system that the U.S used to, in the words of Dr. B, “shoot down aliens.” It was an electron-plasma-beam that was shot from space platforms, and also placed in the noses of 747 aircraft.  

When Dr. B worked at Lockheed-Skunkworks, such as EG&G plants at EH Research, he performed “single shot testing” as part of EMP (electromagnetic pulse technology). He saw experiments at Martin Marietta, TRW, Wright-Patterson AFB, Rockwell, Douglas, Northrop Grumman Aircraft, Hughes Aircraft, and, of course, NASA.

“They were dealing with anti-gravity…big anti-gravity projects, I use to help them out there,” said Dr. B.  “I’d give them ideas, because they bought all my equipment. But the American public will never, never hear about that.”


One of Dr. B’s friends from Area 51 claimed to have flown a “disc” from area 51.  The story goes:  the object had a plutonium reactor in it which has operable “anti-gravity plates.”

A similar technology was built near Bentwaters, England where they were flown on a “virtual field” craft utilizing “hydro-dynamic waves.”  Everyone should recall the UFO flap reported at the nearby Rendelsham Forest, England Air Base in December 1980.

The doctor spoke suspiciously about NASA technology, mentioning “spaceships” and “anti-gravity propulsion” rather frequently and too gingerly, and he received serious reprimands because of that.  He remembers Wernher Von Braun and his “storm troopers” at NASA.

The morning that they were bringing out the Saturn II second stage at Seal Beach, the doctor was alerted by a co-worker to come outside to see personnel take picture “of the bird,” when suddenly a “big disc” came to hover over the rocket — about 400 employees witnessed this happening in April of 1966.

WhenUFOsWhisle UFO Over City ( httpsciencefictiongallery.tumblr.comimage88644060600 ) tumblr_n6xc1wdKm11rv0p43o1_1280
There Has Been Close Encounters

“How has all this been kept secret?” asked Dr. B. “I know some people I worked with that disappeared and were never heard from again. My buddy over at Lockheed Skunkworks___he was a great contact. He told me all about the Aurora. He got started talking a lot, and he disappeared.  He’s not around anymore.  Nobody knows where he went.  His place was closed. Overnight he was gone.” (pp. 50-53)


Steven M. Greer reviews the build-up and creation of what President Eisenhower referred to as the Military-Industrial-Complex, and the various Dark or Black clandestine operations that exist as a large web with names such as Majestic12, PI-40, Majic, Masons, Bilderbergers, Trilateral Commission, Central Intelligence Agency____agencies such as Darpa, National Reconnaissance Office, Unacknowledged Special Access Projects, secretly operated space command fleets, Air Force Office of Special Investigations, Military Intelligence Division, and others that are still yet-to-be-revealed “unknowns.”

Greer points out that the original entity known as Majestic or MJ-12 was established by President Eisenhower and Nelson Rockefeller in 1956 (other evidence suggests as early as 1947[2]), primarily because of crashed or retrieved UFO retrieved UFO vehicle in the 1940s.

“Let me be clear, the entity which controls the UFO matter and the related technologies has more power than any single government in the world or any single identified world leader,” says Greer. “This cabal is a hybrid, quasi-government, quasi-privatized operation which is international and functions outside of the purview of any single agency or any single government, all of which are kept outside of the loop.”

WhenUFOsWhistle Oz ( httpswww.veteransnewsnow.com20170401deep-state-members-and-their-agents-are-slowly-revealing-themselves ) The-Great-and-Powerful-Wizard-of-Oz
They Mask Themselves Under the OZ Effect

These cabal-types, says Greer, are under “Black Controls,” and it doesn’t matter if you were the CIA director, President of the United States, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, or U.N Secretary General, or even others that do “not know about or have access to these projects.”  They are, says Greer, all super-secret international government programs, part of a privileged crime operation, in fact, like a secret mafia rather than a government entity. 

Some “citizens,” if they can be called that, are involved in quizzical organizations that are clogged with secrecy, direct lies, insubordination, and have “usurped power and rights not legally granted to it.” Greer sees these groups as “extra-constitutional” in the U.S, U.K and other countries around the globe.  Greer sees it as a criminal enterprise of the first order, and its crimes include assassinations, murder, kidnapping, theft of technology, with a web of greater secrecy, illegal operations, which has closed in on it.

The complexity of these organizations are ribbed by compartmentalization, “Privatization” by corporations, lying to elected leaders and the public, all of which, when exposed, would reveal “the greatest scandal in recorded history.”

WhenUFOsWhistle Pentagon ( httpswww.gettyimages.devideothe-pentagonsort=mostpopular&offlinecontent=include&phrase=thepentagon ) 456124897
The Pentagon – Only One Compartment of Many Others

It would entail, says Greer, knowledge of trillions of dollars that have been spent on “unauthorized, unconstitutional projects,” tax-payer dollars for cooperate partners developing technologies based on ET objects used in highly profitable ET science—such secret “breakthroughs” where a covert multi-billion-dollar theft of technologies which rightly be public domains.

All part of this charade included a phony multi-billion-dollar space program, using popular rockets which are, in actuality a “primitive and unnecessary” experiment, seemed inappropriate, says Greer, because we actually possess greater, hidden technologies long before we even went to the moon.  NASA, a lot of the government and the public has been victimized, as Greer says, a “small, very compartmentalized faction of NASA people know of the real ET technologies hidden away in these projects.”  This human “faction” had unbridled sway over an “embryonic extraterrestrial-human relationship.”

WhenUFOsWhistle Meeting ( httpswww.zerohedge.comnews2018-01-03deep-states-plan-c-murder-donald-trump ) 20180103_planc
The Cabal is a Secret Government – an Alternate-Breakaway-Society – with Advanced Technology

In such a militaristic, inhumane “human”-thinking-fashion, an ET liaison can only take an ugly and unhappy twist putting “the entire planet at risk.”  The Military-Industrial-Complex, the Deep State, and the Shadow World behind it, are comprised of many people and many organizations from George Bush, Sr. through the Liechtenstein banking family, the Mormons, the Vatican, into countless mysterious hands of a “ruthless, sociopathic minority,” often with a murderous intent.


Greer talks about his association with former CIA Director William Colby (who was involved in Majestic at one time) who was defecting from the “Cabal” and had promised Greer a transfer of $50-million in funding.  Colby was to meet Greer and some of Greer’s close friends. Sadly, the meeting didn’t take place – Colby was found floating down the Potomac River.

Colby’s best friend confirmed it was a “hit,” and Colby’s widow agreed.

Greer says the cabal reached out its deadly invisible ‘hand’ towards Greer’s friends as well: Shari Adamiak, and also Republican Congressmen Steve Schiff of New Mexico, and Greer himself: all of these people were hit with forms of cancer; three healthy people, right around the time of Colby’s death.


WhenUFOsWhistle Smith ( httpwww.readwipedandblew.com20180303ai-superhighway-means-children ) NWO-hostile-takeover
The Far-reaching Hand of the Deep State


Greer’s book, as well as his Project Disclosure, holds a treasure chest of testimonies of witnesses who have had UFO encounters that connected with threats and harassments by those overriding Dark agencies.

One typical case involved Lt. Colonel Dwynne Arneson, he had spent 26 years in the USAF, had an above-top-secret SCI-TK (Special Compartmented Tango Kilo) clearance. Arneson had worked as a computer systems analyst for Boeing Aircraft and also the Director of Logistics at Wright Patterson Air Force Base.

In 1962, Arneson was the crypto-officer for the complete Ramstein Army Base in Germany.  A classified message went through his com-center.  The message said: “A UFO has crashed on the Island of Spitsbergen, Norway, and team of scientists is coming to investigate it.”  Arneson was unaware from where the message came from, but he could testify that it was real.

In 1967, Arneson was a top-secret control officer of a Communication Center at the Twentieth Air Division at Malmstrom Air Force Base in Montana, and he could dispatch all the nuclear launch ‘authentications’ to the SAC missile crews.

WhenUFOsWhistle Flashlights ( httpsthem0vieblog.comreviews-hubmillennium-reviews ) millennium-themikado15
Overriding Dark Agencies

This time, another UFO message came through the Communications Center, and it read:  “A UFO was seen near missile silos.” Apparently, both, all incoming and out-going operators saw a UFO boldly hovering in mid-air; a metallic circular object. The missiles had mysteriously “shut down.”  “They went dead dead…turned those missiles off…was not in a mode for launching.”

Bob Kaminisky, an engineer assigned to Boeing, came to check the situation, and he determined that the missiles had not gone down by themselves.  He gave them “a complete Bill of Health.”

A similar incident happened at Caswell Air Force Station in Marine, said Arneson, when he was Commander of a Radar squadron. UFOs were reported hovering over a nuclear weapons storage area at Loring Air Force Base, as told by security friends there.

Arneson recalled the words of Dr. Adolph Raum, who had intimate connections with the A-Bomb test team, and knew Dr. Robert Oppenheimer. Arneson jokingly asked Raum about the aliens held at Wright-Patterson AFB:

“Arne, all I can tell you,” said Raum in a fit of blood-draining anger, “is that they were not weather balloons, and we will not talk about it again!  Do you understand?”   (pp. 187-189) 


The book is replete with fantastic tales from professed whistle-blowers that either saw extraterrestrials or had some type of personal contact. Readers will be amazed in disbelief when they do their own expedition of the book.

Steven Greer is founder of the Orion Project, the Disclosure Project, and the Center for the Study of Extraterrestrial Intelligence. CSETI aimed to establish peaceful contact with ETs.  “…I certainly didn’t expect to deal with threats on my life,” says Greer, “let alone see harm come to people I cared deeply about.”  (p. 251.) 

Greer and his CSETI associates successfully “vectored-in” four ET crafts on a Pensacola, Florida site in February of 1992.  Greer suddenly found himself on the radar of the MAJIC cabal (Army Intelligence, NSA, DIA, and a lot of INTEL spooks).  Greer, however, found several influential people were behind him for support, such as billionaire Robert Bigelow of   Bigelow Aerospace.

Greer discovered that the scenery was not only complicated by ETs and their crafts, but “man-made” mimic crafts existed that were Advanced Anti-Gravity of our own.  It is suspected that an “alliance” between ET and the human cabal may have been established somewhere along the line of history.

The Disclosure Project had the guidance of friends in the military to ‘draft’ a UNOD letter, an “Unless Otherwise Directed” script stating (p.260):

“These USAPs (Unacknowledged Special Access Projects) exist and are run illegally, and have been unconstitutional since the 1950s; that the President and other key figures we know have been lied to, as have the oversight committees of the Congress…similar programs exist in the United Kingdom and other countries…”


Steve Erdmann, 2018, St. Louis

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The General Media has a Problem with Censorship
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Steve Erdmann – Independent Investigative Journalist

Another version of this article can be seen at The Hidden World of UFOs – –


Rebecca Sommer –  Artist Rebecca Sommer: COMMERCIAL SHOWREEL 2011 – Bing video


In 2012 Rebecca Sommer founded the refugee aid association Arbeitsgruppe Flucht + Menschen-Rechte (AG F+M) [Working Group Asylum + Human Rights]. At the end of 2015, this artist, photographer and journalist and documentary maker applauded Angela Merkel’s decision to open German’s borders to the “refugees” who had been blocked in Hungary, despite the vacuum effect this would create. “At that time I wanted to help everyone and truly believed that all these people were fleeing hell and were in a state of complete distress,” the German activist explained in an article published by the conservative Polish weekly  Do Rzeczy  on 15 January, discussing how she woke up to reality.

In 2015, her NGO had almost 300 volunteers who were giving German courses to the new arrivals.

…”I thought their medieval view was going to change with time…but after having seen these situations occur repeatedly and observing what was happening around me, as a volunteer, I have had to recognise that the Muslim refugees have grown up with values that are totally different, they have undergone brainwashing from childhood on and are indoctrinated by Islam and absolutely do not intend to adopt our values. Worse, they regard we infidels with disdain and arrogance.”

“It was a jarring perception when I noticed that these people I had helped, who were eating, drinking, dancing and laughing with me, who didn’t pray, who didn’t go to the mosque, who didn’t respect Ramadan, who made fun of religion and deeply religious people, called me ‘the stupid German whore’ when they were eating my food and were in my garden.”

…Rebecca Sommer says she is not an isolated case, that many other volunteers also came ultimately to have the same perception and that there are now far fewer volunteers ready to work with the new arrivals today in Germany. She also acknowledges that, through their numbers, these Muslim immigrants pose a threat to the German way of life, and that this will get worse with family reunification.
She also told the Polish weekly magazine Do Rzeczy that she personally knows Germans who are getting ready to emigrate to Poland because they had have enough, and she added: “If Poland and Hungary do not give in on this question, you could become countries that some Germans and French will flee to. You could become islands of stability in Europe.”

Islands of stability but also democracy because Rebecca Sommer also notes that democracy no longer really exists in Germany….When the human rights activists wanted to denounce forced conversions to Islam in Indonesia, her account was blocked.

This Berlin woman no longer dares to go out on her own on New Year’s Eve and she has already been attacked five times by men speaking Arabic!

She thinks it is already too late for Germany and she plans to emigrate for her retirement. Political Islam is present everywhere, including in the government, in political parties, in the police and schools. With family reunification, millions of additional Muslim immigrants are going to come. In the German capital where she lives, entire districts are already dominated by the Muslim community which forms a parallel society.



via “It’s too late for Germany”: German feminist SJW admits she got it wrong on immigration, plans to emigrate for her retirement

Artist Rebecca Sommer: COMMERCIAL SHOWREEL 2011 – Bing video




By Patick Ocarroll

(Copyright 2017, Patrick Ocarroll – All Rights Reserved)
  1. There is no such animal as a “conspiracy theory” except in the minds of “The Great Brainwashed.”

    Conspiracy never had anything to do with theory, and theory was never even remotely related to conspiracy.

    When confronted with the task of naming one “conspiracy theory”, most brainwashed people fail to provide a single example. The NLP-brainwashing term “conspiracy theory” was invented by Tavistock in the mid-1960s to apply to anyone who got too close to the most topical item of truth at the time. This was of course that President John F Kennedy was assassinated as a result of a conspiracy and on the orders of the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. the English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild).

    Yet, the mass media shills (MSM) cannot name one genuine “conspiracy theory” because none ever existed in all of human history.

    Conspiracies are the engine of history.  Every major event in history came to pass as a result of at least one conspiracy, sometimes multiple conspiracies.  And that “secret tradition” continues today.

    Pursuits that deal with conspiracy on a daily basis include judge, lawyer, policeman, politician, professor, historian, biblical scholar, dramatist, screenplay writer, newsreader, newspaper-reader, TV viewer, web-surfer, therapist and counselor.

  2. Because the NASA disinformation technologiss are really a bunch of “NAS-holes, “this document regrets that it must refrain from dignifying them with the term “scientist”. The NASA disseblers need to be fired and replaced by proper scientists. This document also prefers to call that whole military psychological-operation by its proper name, which is Project Apollo Hoax, and not by any terms the professional deceivers at NASA may or may not prefer to call it.

    The Project Apollo Hoax is itself a prime example of a conspiracy, which has brainwashed mass media shill shills (anchormen and reporters) over the years tried, but failed, to classify as a “theory”.

    The hoax was really an intelligence test run by the “NAS-holes” to ascertain which Earthlings were clever enough to spot the fraud. Nowadays, the fact that Project Apollo Hoax was a fraud is regularly up for debate.

    For decades now, forensic proof has been available that the NASA never even went near the moon during Project Apollo Hoax. The hoax has long been an established fact. If you have not yet passed the “Project Apollo Hoax Intelligence Test” set by the NASA, you may need to get some updates or change gear.

    How come the Apollo Hoax worked so well?

    Answer: Because It Is Actually Quite Easy To Convince Somebody Of Something When Somebody WANTS To Believe It And WANTS It To Be True!

    Still, adamant “Apollogists” (those wacky nuts who believe Project Apollo Hoax really landed men on the “moon”) are at times very sad people who want to believe “Thunderbirds” is real or simply refuse to even entertain the notion that Santa might not be.

    Question: How has the NASA disinfo so far kept the hoax going?

    Answer: They have only managed to do so in the English-speaking world, where the debate was framed by the monopoly-media (themselves teeming with CIA agents from the still-ongoing Operation Mockingbird), framed by many CIA-maintained websites such as “WickedPedia,” and framed by CIA-sponsored “tell-lie-vision-shows” like Myth Busters.

    Framing the debate means the regime and NASA only permit discussion of those dozen or so questions to which they have ready but contrived “answers” to “explain” maybe two-percent of existing objections to audiences who are perhaps less-sophisticated.

    By contrast, this document pinpoints well over a hundred anomalies, paradoxes, ambiguities, absurdities and downright errors in the official-truth narrative still maintained by the NASA Disinfo and defended by their media shills, gophers and by “Apollogist” websites.

    It is also the case that, decades ago, many countries outside the English-speaking world recognized the Apollo movies for the hoax they really were. Today, only 20 percent of Russians and about 40 percent of Germans believe that the NASA astronauts ever went to the moon.  So, one can see, the NASA Disinfo were more effective in the English-speaking world.

    They were permitted also to lie to the public and to hide facts using the smokescreen of “national security.”  The number of Americans who believe that NASA never made it to the moon now exceeds 20 percent in 2017, and there is great hope that people, especially the younger generation, are waking up and that the US regime will soon be forced to tell the truth. If the NASA Disinfo agency had ever been compelled to actually PROVE they had been to the moon, then the tables would have turned long ago and “Apollogists” would have been crushed overnight.

    So far, the public has been forced to take the NASA disinfo at their word, but their thousands of lies over the decades have shaken all public trust in them for ever. Now that the internet overwhelmingly backs a hoax, it is only a matter of time before the vast majority will be saying:  “I always KNEW it was a hoax.”

    Many people have claimed the astronauts reached the “Moon” but that they deliberately faked all photos and films in order to deceive potential military enemies such as Russia or China.

    Indeed, prominent NASA critic Richard Hoagland admitted that the Apollo photographs were in fact faked.  In many talks, prominent NASA critic Dr Steven Greer (head of the Disclosure project) stated that the US regime was forced to hide space-alien craft visible in “real” film shot on the “Moon” and that Armstrong and Aldrin, plus their families, were forced to keep this huge secret under pain of death.

    But the first issue with this whole argument is: Why Not Just Go To The Moon And Tell No One About It?  Why take laborious and ridiculous steps to fake the whole “trip”?

    A second major issue with this argument is: Where’s The Proof? Could the NASA start by describing and proving scientifically how they got through the VARB (the Van Allen Radiation Belt)?  Their claim of spending only an hour or two in the VARB is like claiming they only spent a short time in the Fukushima core so they’re totally radiation-free, or they only spent an hour in torrential rain so they’re totally dry.

    If the NASA astronauts reached the “Moon”, would they please provide the first plausible evidence of their “trip”?

    A third major issue with this argument is of course: Why has NASA been caught lying hundreds of other times in areas totally unrelated to Project Apollo Hoax?

    Finally, another major issue with this argument is: It contradicts what we already know about how the world really works; many people have long realized that the world is more akin to a system of Organized Crime centrally controlled by the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. the English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild).  That means that the whole “space race” was a con-job to hoodwink humanity and steal tax money. It also means the whole “cold war” was a con-job to extract taxes from countries of both eastern and western blocs for about five decades to pay for probably never-even-tested military apparatus.

    The Apollo Hoax was one of the biggest scams of the Twentieth Century.  The NASA Disinfo Agency set out to willfully defraud the American people from the start as they knew all along that a Moon landing was NOT a goal that could actually be achieved. But the NASA leaders were under orders from the CIA and the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. the English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild) to fake the “moon landings” as a propaganda tool for the US regime.

    By naming the program “Project Apollo”, the agency may have let slip that the Apollo Hoax was intended as an extension of the MKULTRA mind-control experiments run by Tavistock, the NSDAP (Germanb National Socialist Party, aka “Nazis”) and the NSDAP’s successor organization, the CIA, aka the Central intelligence Agency, which derived its name from the Nazi’s “Mittelwerks” (The Central Works) that amalgamated the their intelligence, security and espionage agencies into One System with the rocket science and advanced technologies industry.  Studying that organization, we find the identical structure in Nazi Germany to what President Eisenhower exposed and dubbed “The Military Industrial Complex” or MILINT.

    Film footage taken inside the capsule on all Apollo-Hoax movies shows a light-blue haze and only a tiny Earth-curvature through the capsule window, but this is seen when the astronauts were claiming to be thousands of miles from Earth. So the NASA Disinfo Agency were and still are effectively claiming that this light-blue haze was visible when the astronauts were supposedly located “in the blackness of space” and that the relatively tiny Earth-curvature was what is seen far away from Earth.

    The light-blue haze and tiny curvature are the biggest smoking guns indicating that the Apollo-Hoax capsules never even left Low Earth Orbit.  In the official Apollo 13 Hoax coverage taken inside the lunatic-module capsule, you can clearly see the bright blue of an earthly sky through the triangular windows of the capsule while the astronauts were simultaneously claiming in their live radio broadcast to be currently witnessing the “blackness of space,”  So far, the “NASA experts” have failed to explain any of this.

    In reality, the film footage was created either in the Moonset Studio at Langley Research Center in Hampton Virginia or else in Stanley Kubrick‘s set at Elstree Studios London.

    Many photographs of the apparatus and equipment used on the Moonset Studio for Project Apollo Hoax are very easy to find on the internet.  NASA showed the fake Apollo craft allegedly circling the “moon” by using a rail-mounted camera which slowly moved toward a rotating Plaster Of Paris model of the “moon”. This lunatic-module was suspended from a huge traverse crane and was gently lowered while it simultaneously traversed over the said “moon” surface constructed beneath it.  NASA claimed the Moonset Studio was “for test purposes only” (a likely tale, given the hundreds of other lies they have been caught telling).;

    A film taken on the Moonset Studio at Langley Research Center clearly shows the props the NASA was using to fake the sinuous rill called Rima Hadley.

    Project Apollo Hoax later showed this sinuous rill as if it was really on the surface of the “moon”.  Subjectively, the NASA was perhaps bragging that they could even move mountains.

    Many researchers have concluded that some insiders in NASA were white-hats who were making deliberate mistakes (for instance with these “moon” mountains) so as to try to go unnoticed but still blow the whistle on Project Apollo Hoax as a whole, and thus expose it as a mere sound-and-light show.

    If that is the case, then we need to say a big Thank You to these white-hats.  In most of the glitzy “moon” photos, the horizon on the surface of the “moon” is visible both behind the astronaut and in his visor.  But that could never happen on the real moon because it would mean that the size of the “moon” would only have been roughly the size of, say, the Moonset Studio.

    A famous mid-1960s photograph shows Stan Kubrick and Arthur C Clarke with high-level NASA figures, Deke Slayton, Frederick Ordway and George Mueller, as they stroll through studio grounds at Elstree London.  Kubrick’s “2001; A Space Odyssey” movie was released on 12 May 1968, roughly 14 months before the NASA launched the Apollo 11 Hoax.

    The “2001” movie prepared the public to accept the Apollo-11-Hoax movie in the best traditions of predictive programming.  It made timely propaganda about the Moon and its budget may also have spun off a special London Moonset Studio for NASA.

    Dr Roel van der Meulen of the Leiden Observatory in the Netherlands said
    “…the moon landings never happened” and suggested they were in reality filmed by Stanley Kubrick in a sound stage in Huntsville, Alabama, soon after he finished “2001; A Space Odyssey”.

    The claim is that NASA approached Kubrick offering him exclusive access to alien artifacts and autopsy-footage from the Roswell crash site.  They also threatened to “reveal that his younger brother Raul Kubrick was heavily involved in the US Communist Party.” Van der Meulen claimed that Kubrick wrote the scripts for each of Project-Apollo-Hoax movies 11 to 13, but that he was well aware that his viewers would grow very tired by Apollo 12.

    This scared the NASA leadership because it probably meant they would have to buy time from TV networks instead of TV networks paying them for the privilege.  So Kubrick suggested making the script for Apollo-13-Hoax a semi-failure, with the NASA “heroically” bringing the boys home safely.

    At first, the NASA leaders objected, but then ended up agreeing with Kubrick’s plan.

    Dr van der Meulen concluded: “the Apollo 13 disaster was actually an expert simulation”. 

    The final upshot was that the Apollo 13 Hoax succeeded in focusing renewed attention on Project Apollo Hoax so as to keep those tax dollars rolling in for whatever the NAS-holes were really spending them on.;

    On the “moon”, the astro-nuts never managed to do either of the two most logical camera moves in all of cinema history: namely a 180-degree or a 360-degree turn. That can only be because the NAS-holes explicitly forbade the astro-nuts from turning the camera 180 or 360 degrees because it would have immediately exposed their Moonset Studio and shown Project Apollo Hoax up as a total fraud.;

    This is because the NAS-holes forgot the one movie special-effect that might have made the splashdowns credible, namely an enormous billowing steam-cloud visible for dozens, if not hundreds, of miles around. At the time, the monopoly-media were telling viewers the capsule was “reentering” Earth atmosphere at at very high speeds.

    The final upshot was that the Apollo 13 Hoax succeeded in focusing renewed attention on Project Apollo Hoax so as to keep those tax dollars rolling in for whatever the NAS-holes were really spending them on.

    On the “moon”, the astronauts never managed to do either of the two most logical camera moves in all of cinema history: namely a 180-degree or a 360-degree turn. That must be because the NASA explicitly forbade the astronauts from turning the camera 180 or 360 degrees because it would have immediately exposed their Moonset Studio and shown Project Apollo Hoax up as a total fraud.

    All color photographs of the equipment used in the Apollo 11 Hoax reveal myriads of fine details to today’s computer users armed with powerful software tools.  When these computer users zoom in, they see all the cheap foil, tape and curtain rods the “NASA engineers” used.

    In reality, the Apollo 11 Hoax was quite a low-budget movie, and NASA never expected ordinary people to be able to look so closely at their amateurish work. This of course begs the question: Where did all that money really go?

    By pure “coincidence”, these “NAS-holes” now claim that they “lost” all the video footage from the “moon” landings.  Their clear motivation for “losing” all video coverage was to spare themselves both lawsuits and even further endless embarrassment.;

  3. The NASA leaders has never given any credible explanation whatsoever as to how the astronauts could cope with huge temperature fluctuations on their long journey to the “moon” and back.

    Space is extremely cold, having a temperature of minus 270.15 degrees centigrade or roughly 3 degrees Kelvin.  In space (which means a vacuum or the absence of any atmosphere), the only way heat can be transmitted is by thermal radiation that comes through photons in electromagnetic waves.

    In the 1980s, the space-shuttle astronauts made a discovery that severely embarrassed the NASA, who had to admit the shuttle was “frozen on one side and scorching on the other”.  This, of course, raised even more questions about Project Apollo Hoax as alert earthlings realized that the lunatic-module would have had a temperature of perhaps minus 50 degrees centigrade just inside its dark side, but maybe plus 60 degrees centigrade or more just inside its light side.

    The NAS-holes try to restrict this discussion to the “average temperature inside the lunatic-module”, but if my head is in the freezer and my feet are in the fire, why would I care about my “average statistical temperature” when that would be of zero help? The NAS-holes really need to provide some specifics here. How did the astro-nut on the freezing side of the capsule keep himself warm? How did the astro-nut on the scorching side avoid being cooked medium-rare? Did the third astro-nut revive his comrades to preserve their normothermia? If not, then how exactly did the NAS-holes solve this particular conundrum? And what did they do if one astro-nut needed to sleep? The NAS-holes still insist that the Apollo 11 Hoax featured a flying Model T Ford or deepfreeze with an outer shell made of aluminum of one-eighth-inch thickness. If the NAS-holes had some great system combining heating and air-conditioning, which was able to simulate “Mild Hawaii” all the way to the “moon” and back in such a thin shell, then should they not release the details of this “system” because car and equipment manufacturers could still benefit from such leading-edge technology. Or is the real reason why the NAS-holes never released this “system” perhaps because it never even existed in the first place?;

  4. On the moon, micrometeorites rain down at up to 30,000 MPH all the time on everything and on anyone who happens to be there. This was also confirmed by all Russian data. However, the NAS-holes have never explained how no micrometeorites managed to kill any of their astro-nuts, never managed to smash any windows in the lunatic-module, never dented any equipment, or never smashed any cameras. Furthermore, the micrometeorites are not even visible as falling streaks in any of the photos on the “moon”. Why did the astro-nuts mysteriously “forget” being pelted and pierced by micrometeorites while on the “moon”? And why do the NAS-holes have no explanation for any of this?;

  5. The photographs of Apollo capsules splashing down in the ocean are not credible because the NAS-holes forgot the one movie special-effect which might have made them credible, namely an enormous billowing steam-cloud visible for dozens, if not hundreds, of miles. At the time, the monopoly-media were telling viewers that the atmosphere of Earth into which the capsule was “reentering” at very high speeds would cause severe friction, thus turning the capsule literally “red hot”. In the Apollo-13-Hoax movie script, the heat-shield is even credited with saving the day because the reentry angle is too shallow and the blackout for Apollo-13-Hoax reentry lasted 87 seconds longer than expected. Kubrick’s movie script attempted to heighten the tension by claiming the heat-shield might also have been damaged from the hoax “accident” on board with the oxygen tank. In any case, the most conspicuously absent actor in all of the splashdown sequences of Project Apollo Hoax was a single enormous billowing cloud of steam because when a red-hot command-capsule strikes an ocean having a temperature of perhaps 10 degrees centigrade, rigorous science demands the red-hot capsule to instantly turn a massive volume of seawater into steam, just like the enormous flashing of steam you expect when you pour cold water into an empty red-hot stove-pot. But all photographs of the Apollo capsules hitting the water show zero indication of any steam whatsoever.;

  6. The Apollo-17-Hoax movie shows astro-nut Harrison Schmitt kangaroo-hopping on the “moon”, except that a wire is clearly visible about 8 feet above his head, which means that he was suspended in some way. The Apollo-17-Hoax movie also shows wires suspending the astro-nuts during the flag scene. The Apollo-14-Hoax movie shows an astro-nut with a wire above his head, betrayed by several momentary glints of light. Clearly, these wires were for simulating the effects of one-sixth gravity expected on the “moon”. In one Apollo-Hoax movie, the astro-nut actually pushes the flagstaff all the way through the “moon” surface until its visible length is only about 12 inches. In reality, the “moon” surface was made of Plaster Of Paris.;

  7. In the “jump-salute” scene of the Apollo-16-Hoax movie, the still-photographs do not match the TV-camera coverage. In fact, they actually contradict each other significantly. This is one of the hundreds of continuity errors in Project Apollo Hoax. The video film of the so-called “Apollo-16-Hoax jump-salute” contradicts the still-photos allegedly taken by the other astro-nut at the very same time (John Young jumps while Charles Duke allegedly snaps the still-photos, the only problem being that the two records contradict each other radically).;

  8. In the Apollo-16-Hoax movie, astro-nut John Young is seen to expose his naked hand by taking off his left-hand glove. The NAS-holes in Ground Control are then heard saying: “After taking a picture of the motor package there, we’d like a picture of that left thumb imprint”. But proper scientists know that bare skin must never be exposed to a vacuum environment (such as on the real moon) because the blood would rush to the exposed skin causing rapid swelling and resulting in severe injury.;

  9. Why did the NAS-holes ignore as serious concerns the risk and danger posed to the astro-nuts by solar flares, which are as unpredictable as earthquakes? Books written by proper scientists state that whenever the sun throws a little solar flare out in space, then the amount of radiation is so vast that any astro-nut would need six-feet of shielding all around to keep him alive by protecting him from X-Rays (because they diffract). This would apply even for a tiny solar flare or a tiny solar storm. The NAS-holes were supposedly sending the astro-nuts outside of the Earth’s protective magnetic field and atmosphere for a very long time. A solar flare is an outburst of material from the sun, often containing large amounts of protons traveling at very high speeds, which means the astro-nuts would be hit by lethal radiation. In his 1992 self-published book “The NAS-holes Mooned America!”, Ralph René pointed out the high solar-flare activity in the years 1967-73 (when Project Apollo Hoax was running) but in particular the extremely high solar-flare activity in the year 1972 which, he stated, “would have fried both Apollo 16 and 17”. AL MacKinnon wrote a whole book about solar-flare activity in 1972. One single solar flare during a trip to the moon would have killed everyone on board. Still, the NAS-holes keep insisting they “got lucky” and none of their astro-nuts were killed despite having zero protection from solar flares. The NAS-holes still maintain they “hoped” no solar flares would occur during their trips to the “moon”. But we know they did occur so we now want to know their explanation. So far, all the NAS-holes have ever said to René’s powerful contradictory evidence has been “No Comment”.;

  10. During the Apollo 11 Hoax, the NAS-holes made little mention of the fact that the Earth’s sunspot cycle would peak in 1969. Was that really so irrelevant to the NAS-holes, the astro-nuts or their wives?;

  11. The lunar surface has a temperature of up to 130 degrees centigrade. So how did the astro-nuts manage to remain uncooked? Even the shadow-side of their spacesuits was being bombarded with heat radiation from the sun and from the surface of the “moon”. And even if they landed on the “moon” at sunrise on a “moon”-day lasting two weeks, the temperature would have risen to 100 degrees centigrade in just a few minutes. If you add the insulation effect to that, then even higher temperatures, say up to 150 degrees centigrade or even higher, would have been possible inside the spacesuits. Some NAS-holes have stated that the spacesuits were “water-cooled”. But would it not be impossible to have a water-cooled spacesuit on the “moon” where the outside temperature already exceeds the boiling-point of water so that there would be nowhere for the heat to dissipate? So why do the NAS-holes still refuse to explain how the astro-nuts managed to remain uncooked and untoasted while strolling around the “moon”?;

  12. The temperature of the lunar surface varies between 130 degrees centigrade (after sunrise) and minus 150 degrees centigrade (before sunrise) so how come the Kodak Ektachrome film in the Hasselblad 500 camera did not melt or freeze? Eastman Kodak and Hasselblad AB both stated that they had supplied standard equipment having no special modifications to the NAS-holes, i.e. they did not do anything special to the products they gave the NAS-holes. Yet everyone knows that, at temperatures above say 50 degrees centigrade, heat will cause chemical changes in the photographic emulsions and cause the mechanical parts of the camera to expand, thus loosening the lens and other important components. Extreme cold would render the batteries and the exposure meter useless and would freeze the film. Such film would shatter like glass at minus 80 degrees centigrade. The X-Rays from the sun would fog the film, while ultraviolet rays would distort the colors. Yet the colors came out perfect. Also, Eastman Kodak stated that their Ektachrome film will melt at 150 degrees centigrade, so how did it survive inside the lunatic-module where the temperature must have been like an oven, i.e. up to 200 degrees centigrade? Surely it should have been crisp, curled, melted or even worse? Critics of the NAS-holes have long pointed out that if you just place Kodak Ektachrome film or a Hasselblad 500 camera in an oven for a couple of hours at 130 degrees centigrade, this experiment is always guaranteed to yield disastrous results. So how did the NAS-holes ensure that their “moon” holidays were still Kodak Days? Was it perhaps by faking the whole thing?;

  13. One photograph was allegedly taken as the lunatic-module was coming in to land on the “moon”. The only trouble is that the shadow of the lunatic-module as seen on the surface of the “moon” just happens to be around 30 times larger than the massive Maskelyne Crater, which is a solitary lunar crater that lies in the southeast part of the Mare Tranquillitatis and has a known diameter of around 15 miles or 24 kilometers. How did the NAS-holes get the shadow of the tiny lunatic-module to look 30 times bigger than the Maskelyne Crater? This would be the equivalent of the shadow of your airplane covering the whole northeast corner of the USA along with parts of Ontario and Quebec as it approached JFK International Airport in NYC. Was it maybe by placing their “sun” spotlight too close behind the lunatic-module in their Moonset Studio? This is totally ludicrous but, if you ask them, the NAS-holes will just bark “No Comment”.;

  14. In many books and articles, the astro-nuts of the Apollo 11 Hoax were quoted as claiming that they found it difficult to sleep “because of the cold” around the time they arrived on the “moon” but this simply does not add up. They claim they arrived on the “moon” in early lunar morning, just as the sun was rising. We all know that they were in what, for all practical purposes, resembled a metallic oven. When the sun rises on the real lunar surface, it will drive the temperature of the dusty soil up to 130 degrees centigrade. Also, the sunlight on the moon is at least 20 percent hotter than on Earth because there is no atmosphere or water vapor to act as a barrier. Furthermore, being in a metallic oven meant that they would have been cooked like sausages in less than 20 minutes. So how could the astro-nuts claim that they could not sleep in a metallic oven in the full-bore sunlight on the “moon”? This has to be a total lie. If you still believe the NAS-holes, then place a frozen sausage in an oven at 130 degrees centigrade and simply verify that it will cook in less than 20 minutes. Then ask yourself how the astro-nuts could complain that, at this particular time (sunrise on the “moon”), it was so cold they could not sleep? Inside the lunatic-module, the air would have transferred by convection from the lunatic-module walls and quickly warmed the astro-nuts up. Clearly, the NAS-holes are lying about this and about their contrived “moon” landings. So what’s new?;

  15. In the Apollo-11-Hoax movie, the lunatic-module is shown traveling almost horizontally over the surface of the “moon” as it comes in to land. The NAS-holes who “designed” the lunatic-module intended the thruster to push the lunatic-module down while two rocket-jets on either side propelled it forward. Hence, its “design” was like a garden swing except without any crossbar holding it up. If the lunatic-module was “floating” on 10,000 pounds of thrust and the side rockets shot off, then how could the lunatic-module have flown horizontally without tipping over and crashing? What was the magic aerodynamic principle the NAS-holes “designed” for this? The NAS-holes say the thrust engine was supposed to keep the lunatic-module afloat while two tiny jets on either side steered it. But aerodynamic experts keep asking the question as to what specific mechanism the NAS-holes used to keep the lunatic-module from spinning out of control and crashing. The lunatic-module used for Project Apollo Hoax was built by Grumman Aerospace of Bethpage NY to specifications dictated by the NAS-holes. In 1996, James Collier visited Grumman on a fact-finding mission that acutely embarrassed the NAS-holes. There, Collier verified that the lunatic-module had never even had one successful flight on Earth but had actually crashed on its first test-flight with astro-nut Neil Armstrong forced to bail out, almost breaking his neck. Then, after failing its first test-flight on Earth, the NAS-holes simply decided to run a second test-flight on the “moon” totally sure that it would work. But that is absolutely preposterous. Did the wives of the astro-nuts agree to let them go to the “moon” unprotected and just test it out?;

  16. We need to drain the science swamp so that we can extract and punish all swamp-creatures who hide behind soviet peer-review censorship and who lie for a living. To discourage “scientists” from lying, one suggested improvement would be for any PhD “scientist” who endorsed the “moon” landings to be stripped of his qualifications. This is fair given that any schoolboy can prove that the “moon” landings were faked.;

  17. In 1996, in an open letter to Frank Hughes of Space Center Houston (also copied to Allan Needell, curator at the Space History Department), James Collier did provide conclusive proof that Project Apollo Hoax had been filmed on Earth. In his letter, he started off noting that, on the basis of the manifest and weight as a whole, the lunatic-rover could never have been brought to the “moon” in the lunatic-module because it simply did not fit either on the inside or folded-up on the outside. He then went on to cite some of the major differences rigorous science (alien to the NAS-holes) demands between the Earth (having an atmosphere) and the moon (having no atmosphere). One of the differences is that dust disturbed from the lunar surface must jump up behind the lunatic-rover and head skyward and then fall back down with roughly the same briskness with which it went up in something akin to a perfect and progressive parabolic (or rainbow-like) arc given that there is no atmospheric wall there to block it. But the sequences of the lunatic-rover driving around the “moon” in Apollo-Hoax movies prove beyond all doubt that it could only have been filmed on Earth. Why? Because the “moon” dust goes up and comes down just like it would on Earth. The whole sequence shows clumps, clouds, waves, lines and all the earthbound tell-tale signs that the dust is in reality hitting the Earth’s wall of thick atmosphere in which it is being suspended. The dust then falls too quickly for the sequence to have been filmed on the real moon. These tell-tale signs should be absent on the real moon where no lunar atmospheric wall is there to cause them. There is no rainbow-like arc in sight in the movie. The clumps, clouds, waves and lines of dust are the very ones you would expect to see when a dune buggy rides up and down a beach here on Earth, or up and down the Moonset Studio for that matter. The only explanation is that the NAS-holes never even went to the moon. But all they could do in response to James Collier’s open letter was to refuse to comment or hang up the phone exasperated. James Collier’s observations are widely credited by proper scientists as very important work.;

  18. In order to escape the atmosphere of the “moon”, the NAS-holes designed the lunatic-module to use hypergolic propellant, with unsymmetrical di-methyl-hydrazine (UDMH, fuel) combining with di-nitrogen-tetroxide (as oxidizer) to burn and give off dark-red murky opaque fumes. But no such dark-red murky opaque fumes can be seen when the lunatic-module “blasts off” in any of the Apollo 15, 16 or 17 movies. These are so obviously just “Thunderbirds” movies and the NAS-holes are so obviously lying.;

  19. The next problem was how could the astro-nuts get in and out of the lunatic-module? One overlooked part of the “design” of the lunatic-module was that its main door opened inward, making it almost impossible for the astro-nuts to get out. Also, the area inside the lunatic-module was barely the size of two phone-booths, namely 24 inches by 36 inches in total. This was supposed to suffice for two astro-nuts carrying suitcase-sized backpacks. If it really did, then these men would not have been able to move at all. Frank Hughes of Space Center Houston and Jeffrey Kluger both described how the astro-nuts could only get out on their hands and knees, that they were so ballooned up with their spacesuits and backpacks, and that they were forced to wriggle and waddle. Obviously, in this artless “design”, Grumman had totally failed to cater for user-friendly egress and even ingress.;

  20. It would have been impossible for the astro-nuts to get from the lunatic-module into the conical space capsule, called the command-module, because this section was occupied by the three large reentry parachutes, which ejected from the conical end. This also makes many aspects of the “missing amperes story or yarn” in the Apollo 13 Hoax highly questionable.;

  21. How did the poor astro-nuts survive if they had to spend long periods huddling around the rocket engine? How did they handle the noise and vibration, not to mention the heat?;

  22. All the paperwork for the lunatic-module had been “destroyed”, so Grumman had none, the NAS-holes had none, and the Washington archives had none. But the NAS-holes had eulogized the work to invent such a lunatic-module as Ig-Nobel-prize material, and somehow the NAS-holes “lost” all precious paperwork. That just does not figure. Was this carelessness, or did the NAS-holes actually have something huge to hide?;

  23. The engines used throughout Project Apollo Hoax are extremely noisy, even louder than 140 or 150 dB, but this is totally inaudible on the faked radio transmissions allegedly broadcast by the astro-nuts. One astro-nut is heard to say “quiet ride”, but that has to be a preposterous lie. The astro-nuts were probably broadcasting from a makeshift studio next-door. Maybe Nixon was in the third studio over when he called to talk blarney about “heavenly bodies”. Nixon never even visited Houston during any of the hoaxes. That might be another indication that Nixon knew it was all being faked and feared a backlash if he first overcommitted himself to it and it was later exposed as a hoax.;

  24. The US Air Force and the NAS-holes conspired very closely together to produce Project Apollo Hoax. The US Air Force actually has the largest movie studios and more equipment in San Bernardino CA than any other Hollywood movie producer. That also accounts for propaganda movies such as Top Gun, which was able to recruit thousands of terrorists-in-blousons to take part in the empire-building or profit-making wars the London-NY-Axis already had planned for its aftermath.;

  25. In the Apollo-11-Hoax movie, how did the camera go from inside the lunatic-module to suddenly be on the outside to Armstrong’s left as he descended the dustless ladder for the “One Giant Lip” scene? Did they throw a camera out the lunatic-module onto the “moon” and just hope that it landed upright to stand in the exact position required to focus precisely on Armstrong? Or was the cameraman there before Armstrong? Maybe the official-truth history books need to be revised to name the cameraman as the first man on the “moon”? On the “moon”, the astro-nuts could not have had an easy job lining up the TV-camera to point in the proper direction because it did not have any viewfinder. In fact, the astro-nuts always needed feedback from Ground Control to set the field of view for any TV-camera. The NAS-holes have never explained how the astro-nuts managed to line up the TV-camera so perfectly before the famous “One Giant Lip” scene.;

  26. In the Apollo-11-Hoax movie, after the lunatic-module has landed but before Armstrong climbs down the ladder for the “One Giant Lip” scene, it is clearly seen that the ladder in the “live” tell-lie-vision simulcast is much different to the ladder shown in all still-photographs of the Apollo 11 Hoax. The ladder in the “live” tell-lie-vision simulcast is much thicker and resembles an extension ladder one uses for painting outdoors, i.e. strong enough to support an astro-nut and his backpack on Earth. In the still-photos, the ladder is not only very weak, its bottom rung is also level with the astro-nut’s hip. This is a major a continuity error in the whole Apollo-11-Hoax movie. It is also powerful evidence that the “live” tell-lie-vision footage was faked in a studio and then simulcast. This needs to be reiterated: The Most Famous Movie Scene In The Whole Apollo 11 Hoax And The Scene Most Often Repeated In Historical News And Documentary Programs Is Very Likely (Probability Over 99 Percent) A Total Fake. Apart from that, we see an enormous design error in the ladder shown in the still-photos which begs the question: Why did the NAS-holes not design the ladder to extend downward almost to the ground to prevent possible injury or death? If an astro-nut had trouble bridging the gap between the bottom rung and the surface of the “moon”, a cracked visor or helmet or a ripped spacesuit could have meant a very quick death.;

  27. On the “moon”, it was also very hard to line up the still-camera to point in the proper direction because it did not have any viewfinder either. But Ground Control could provide no feedback on how good the field of view of the ordinary still-camera currently was. How did the astro-nuts manage to make such professional still-photographs without any viewfinder on their still-camera? In reality, the NAS-holes must have enlisted the support of the very best professional photographers, maybe some Madison Avenue veterans, to shoot truly amazing photos. So ask yourself: Exactly which photographers could have taken the photos on the “moon”? Was it astro-nuts who had no viewfinder, or was it professionals from Madison Avenue? Surely this question is very easy to answer.;

  28. How did the astro-nuts adjust the settings of the TV-camera or the still-camera when their pressurized gloves or gauntlets were built so that they could grip nothing less than about an inch in diameter? Because of the gloves, they could only have had very dull feeling in their fingertips. This would have been just like wearing thimbles. Yet another contradiction arises because the NAS-holes claim the gloves or gauntlets were pressurized, yet they look like unpressurized gardening-type gloves in all those still-photographs.;

  29. One six-second sequence of the Apollo-11-Hoax “landing” seems to show the camera waiting on the “moon” before the “Thunderbirds”-like spacecraft called the lunatic-module arrives. On the other hand, the whole movie looks so much like an episode of “Thunderbirds” that it is very hard to tell for sure if the camera preceded the lunatic-module or not. Perhaps the camera was sent out of a secret opening in the lunatic-module? Perhaps its focus had been pre-set? The NAS-holes have never explained this key point.;

  30. In one 16-mm-camera photograph of an astro-nut on the “moon”, you can see the reflection in the visor of the astro-nut’s helmet showing a cameraman wearing a black cloak from head to toe, presumably intended to hide him against the black background or sky. But this cameraman is standing at such a level that his camera is about 10 feet up and looking down on the astro-nut. That is impossible because all crew members were supposed to be on level ground on the “moon”. Why did the NAS-holes fail to explain this cameraman hitching a ride to the “moon”? And why was this cameraman not wearing a spacesuit? How was his black cloak made fire-resistant against the lunar-surface temperature of up to 130 degrees centigrade? In several still-photographs of astro-nuts on the “moon”, the shadow of a cameraman wearing no spacesuit can be seen clearly in the visor reflection. Yet the NAS-holes have never explained how extra cameramen not listed in the manifest got to the “moon” and how they survived without spacesuits.;

  31. In all episodes of Project Apollo Hoax (11 through 17), the visors of the astro-nut helmets on the surface of the “moon” betray the presence of multiple large studio lights in the Moonset Studio. These lights were the leading-edge technology at the time and were similar to the floodlights used in Shea Stadium NYC. If this had been the sun reflecting on the convex visors, it would have been tiny, having a diameter of less than an inch. Instead, the reflection is enormous, having a diameter of up to seven inches, which conclusively proves that the NAS-holes were using at least one studio light.;

  32. The US flag is seen to be flapping in the alleged vacuum on the “moon”. In reality, this would have been caused by the huge amounts of air-conditioning required in the Moonset Studio. But why have the NAS-holes so far refused to give any credible reason for a US flag flapping on the surface of the “moon”? All supposed “reasons” the NAS-holes supplied so far are total nonsense and garbage.;

  33. The faked Apollo film footage and still-photographs all show a very dry dusty surface many inches deep. If there is no wind on the “moon” (apart from the wind which continually blew the US flag), then why is there no dust on top of the rocks and boulders? If there is no wind to blow away the dust, then there should have been dust on top of those rocks and boulders too. So where was that dust and why was it missing? If you ask the NAS-holes to explain this one, they will just bark their “No Comment” routine.;

  34. In the Apollo-11-Hoax movie, the lunatic-module is shown coming in to land on the “moon” just prior to the “One Giant Lip” scene. But, the NAS-holes forgot just one thing: a vast, billowing dust-cloud. The 10,000 pounds of thrust from the lunatic-module’s thruster should have blown a huge dust-cloud off the “moon” surface, and this cloud should have gone hundreds of yards skyward and blocked camera visibility for anything from 0.5 to 4 hours. So did the NAS-holes forget this special movie-dust-cloud effect, or did they just decide against it because American TV viewers would have quickly lost patience with the movie and switched channels? Of course, the NAS-holes feared them switching channels more than anything else because the whole reason behind Project Apollo Hoax was to embezzle 30 billion USD from US taxpayers (equivalent to over 1.5 trillion USD in 2017 terms). Internet footage of a 7,500 pound thruster in the Nevada desert throws up veritable tons of dust. In reality, the NAS-holes were filming a repeat episode of TV series “Thunderbirds” (produced in 1964, aired in 1965) in their Moonset Studio which everyone knows was made of Plaster Of Paris. Any nagging questions posed to the NAS-holes ever since regarding this conundrum (the total absence from their movies of vast, billowing dust-clouds) have met with their ancient “No Comment” routine.;

  35. Maybe it is high-time the NAS-holes were really compelled to testify. One expert proposed sending the NAS-holes to Guantanamo Bay for sensory deprivation to force them to tell the truth. We need a situation where the NAS-holes are scared out of their panties of being sued for embezzlement and fraud. We no longer need the same old situation where the NAS-holes are permitted to parry and lie with total impunity.;

  36. In the Apollo-11-Hoax movie, after the lunatic-module has landed on the “moon” and just before the “One Giant Lip” scene, the shadow of the lunatic-module is seen to suddenly sharpen dramatically because the NAS-holes had moved or switched the “sun” spotlight in the Moonset Studio. Such a sudden sharpening of shadows could not occur within milliseconds on the real moon, in particular because the sun would have been in its proper place and not just a spotlight a matter of yards behind the lunatic-module. Another problem is that Neil Armstrong’s shadow is about three times his own height, whereas the lunatic-module is roughly the same length as its own shadow, except that the lunatic-module’s shadow points in a different direction to Armstrong’s. Many have asked was Project Apollo Hoax a comic tragedy or a tragic comedy?;

  37. In the film footage on the “moon”, there are several sequences in which two astro-nuts of roughly the same height have different shadow lengths. This is easy to explain. The astro-nut closer to the studio spotlight (which the NAS-holes keep claiming was the “sun”) had a longer shadow, and vice versa.;

  38. When the lunatic-module takes off from the “moon” in the Apollo-11-Hoax movie, it seems as if movie special effects are being used. Some cinematographers have pointed out that the TV-camera might actually be motionless while a picture of the “moon” surface is being carried past it. The reason they state this is because the bottom left portion of the “moon”-scape manages to stay in perfect focus for up to 20 seconds, while other portions lose focus rapidly. The sequence also indicates a take-off that used partly horizontal movement, like “Thunderbirds”, but this is a total contradiction to what the NAS-holes claimed, namely that the lunatic-module took off vertically from the “moon” using a purely linear trajectory.;

  39. Perhaps “Thunderbirds” was really a Tavistock project specifically intended for preparing the Apollo 11 Hoax. Although the TV series aired first in 1965, the real start of “Thunderbirds” may have been closer to 25 May 1961, when JFK announced the dramatic and ambitious goal of sending astro-nuts to the “moon” before the end of the 1960s.;

  40. In private White House conversations, JFK was recorded saying he wished he had never made his Moon Speech but had instead earmarked the money for water-desalination projects to provide clean drinking-water to all Africans. That would have been better, but we would still all love to know where the NAS-holes really spent their enormous budget.;

  41. If it had been so easy to go the “moon” then, already in the 1970s, the NAS-holes would have been claiming that they had bases on the “moon”. Because it is a thousand times more difficult to reach the real moon than to reach Earth Orbit, the NAS-holes sought instead to temper expectations by stating it would be another 70 years before they went to the “moon”. So why did they allegedly go to the “moon” before even learning how to do a space-walk? Ultimately, was it because JFK’s speech on 25 May 1961 spoke of the landing men on the “moon” rather than merely walking in space?;

  42. The following scientists and experts all view the “moon” landings as a total hoax: Jim Fetzer, Ralph René, Bart Sibrel, Jack White, Jarrah White and astro-nut Dr Brian O’Leary. The following professors view the “moon” landings as a total hoax: Prof James McCanney (US), Prof Luke Sargent (US). Prof André Balogh (GB). Prof Colin Rourke (GB), Prof Krassimir Ivanov Ivandjiiski (BG), Prof Takahiko Soejima (JP), Prof Li Zifeng (CN), Prof Federico Martín Maglio (AR). The NAS-holes have never explained why.;

  43. Aldrin’s “moon” walk exhibited major inconsistencies in lighting, proving conclusively that it could only have been shot in the Moonset Studio with portions of the set being lit from above, the astro-nut lit from behind and the lunatic-module lit from the front. This particular paradox has long been dubbed “Lights, Camera, Hoax”. Artificial light is apparent from ALL Apollo Hoax photographs because all subjects are expected to have parallel and never-intersecting shadows from the only possible source of light on the real moon which was the sun (the exact same as for sunlight on Earth), yet most photographs exhibit shadows intersecting, going in multiple directions and also exhibit isolated hotspots (often call halos by professional shutterbugs). The NAS-holes stated that no artificial lighting was taken to the “moon”. But such effects could only have been achieved using multiple light sources, so they must be lying yet again.;

  44. The sun appears to be originating from a spotlight because there is a halo around it, but there can be no halo where there is no atmosphere. Often, of course, the sun appears to be coming from many spotlights, which is the only sane explanation for those long intersecting horizontal shadows.;

  45. The astro-nuts do not seem to jump very high on the “moon”, considering its one-sixth gravity compared to Earth. An astro-nut must be expected to jump at least three times higher on the “moon” for the same legwork applied. Or why could the astro-nuts not jump any higher on the “moon” than you or I can jump here on Earth? Clearly, the astro-nuts were really kangaroo-hopping on Earth. Some black critics said the NAS-holes were only proving what they already knew, namely that white men cannot even dance on the “moon”. In reality, in order to “demonstrate” one-sixth gravity on the “moon”, the NAS-holes were using good-old-fashioned Slow-Motion, which was still leading-edge technology in 1969. The use of this amateur technique strongly suggests that, in 1969, the NAS-holes never expected their audience of scammed victims ever to acquire powerful software tools with which they could easily double the film speed on their desktop computer and prove that the NAS-holes had faked astro-nut motion on the “moon” because, in reality, we can all see that the astro-nuts are no more leaving the ground than they would on Earth. This particular feature of the Apollo 11 Hoax was one of the easiest to spot.;

  46. All the Project Apollo Hoax clips that show objects being thrown on the “moon” actually prove the astro-nuts threw these objects on Earth, with the NAS-holes then halving the speed of the film via slow-mo. This is most visible in the Apollo 16 and 17 hoaxes. Clearly, the NAS-holes did not want their scammed victims to see an astro-nut simply throwing up a ball because viewers would immediately expect him to throw the ball maybe ten times higher than on Earth for the same physical effort applied. Six times higher would be for the one-sixth gravity, but even higher still would be for the lack of atmosphere blocking the ball’s rise. Because the NAS-holes did not allow the astro-nuts to run this experiment, the viewers did not spot the hoax as quickly as they would have otherwise. In reality, the astro-nuts never left Earth.;

  47. Many Apollo still-photographs use the same repetitive background for scenes at very different locations on the “moon”. That means that two photographs taken many miles apart on the “moon” actually feature the exact same background while showing different visual subjects or events. What are the odds against the same background repeating at points on the “moon” allegedly several miles apart? This problem, with the same repetitive backdrop, shows the pathetic way in which the photographs were composed and doctored. But why have the NAS-holes so far refused to give any credible reason for this? Also, the NAS-holes have whole websites showing “moon” photographs. But these photographs often have backdrop scenes pasted-in or black lines penciled-in where the “moon” background meets the sky, but with the sky blacked out completely. Such composite photographs are one of the most ridiculous features of Project Apollo Hoax and were one of the easiest things to spot in the whole hoax.;

  48. The NAS-holes have a website for the Apollo 8 Hoax, which shows a photo of the “moon” allegedly taken by astro-nuts orbiting it. But the date on the photo is the exact same date as when the Saturn V allegedly blasted off the launch-pad to send the Apollo 8 to the “moon”. But how could the NAS-holes have taken a photo from close to the “moon” on the same day they left Earth?;

  49. It is now a well-known fact that the Saturn V rocket could never actually have had enough fuel to ever leave Earth Orbit.;

  50. Space-rocket and propulsion engineer Bill Wood asserted that the Saturn V could not have operated as claimed, and therefore could not have delivered the lift capability stated by the NAS-holes. The NAS-holes claimed on paper that the Saturn V had five F-1 engines but that could never have been the configuration that was shown in films of the Saturn V leaving for the “moon”. Instead, the NAS-holes must have used less powerful engines and simply added fuel to make it appear that the Saturn V was using five F-1 engines. The F-1 engine was tested at Edwards Air Force Base and was found to suffer from combustion instability, so that shock waves occurred inside of the rocket’s expansion chamber which then resonated mutually until the rocket chamber finally exploded. But the color of the jet coming out of the actual Saturn V was wrong. It should have been white-hot, but instead it was red so that it was really operating fuel-rich.;

  51. Russian scientist Dr Stanislav Pokrovsky carried out a series of rocket speed estimates and concluded that Apollo 11 could never have flown to the moon. His first study showed that the velocity achieved by the Apollo 11 Saturn V was significantly lower than that required to satisfy the stated flight plan to propel the mission to the moon. His second study concluded that no more than 28 tons, including the Apollo 11 craft, could have been placed into lunar orbit (significantly less than the 46 tons claimed by the NAS-holes). Dr Stanislav Pokrovsky’s work also reconfirmed Bill Wood’s previous claims.;

  52. The Saturn V engines never had the power to escape the Earth’s gravity in order to send craft to the “moon”. According to CIA-maintained WickedPedia, the Rocketdyne F-1 engines of the first stage had an exhaust velocity of 2390 meters per second, or 1.48 miles per second, hence 5352 MPH. But the CIA’s WickedPedia also states that the rocket traveled 58 miles downrange and climbed to 42 miles in altitude, where the first stage burned out after 150 seconds. The rocket thus covered a distance of 72 miles from the launch pad. Its speed could only have been 0.48 miles per second, or 1728 MPH, not 5352 MPH as the NAS-holes claim. The ascent of the first stage was well within the view of eyewitnesses on land and sea, so the 72 mile distance must be correct. But the official-truth figure of 5352 MPH for the exhaust velocity of the F-1 contradicts observation. If the speed of the rocket was only 1728 MPH at the end of the first stage, it is not clear how the Rocketdyne J-2 engines of the second and third stages could have accelerated the rocket to the 24,000 MPH needed to escape the Earth’s gravity, even if their exhaust velocity of 9374 MPH were the correct value. The suspicion arises that the exhaust velocity not just of the F-1 engine, but also that of the J-2, were inflated by the official-truth narrative. In that case, the Apollo rockets could only reach, at best, Low Earth Orbit. The NAS-holes still cannot explain how the Saturn V accelerated to 24,000 MPH given all the facts mentioned here.;

  53. Clearly, the Saturn V was incapable of delivering the full payload. This also explains why the Russians had preferred unmanned missions given that they weighed much less by carrying no water, no oxygen tanks, no crew, no spacesuits, no food, no emergency supplies, no cabin seats and less fuel.;

  54. The reticles (or crosshairs) shown in the photographs are very often covered by the photographic subjects themselves (as if the subjects got added in after retouching), but the specifications of the instrumentation the NAS-holes claim to have used actually demand that all reticles must overlap all photographic subjects, i.e. be superimposed over the photograph in its entirety. In reality, a picture where photographic subjects overlap the reticles is a composite of two pictures into one, a composite that was strung together in a very unprofessional manner. So why have the NAS-holes so far refused to give any credible reason for this?;

  55. NAS-hole Brian Welch claimed that the purpose of the reticles was to gauge distances from the photos. But Hasselblad called that complete nonsense because, in order to measure distances, the photos would have had to have been taken as stereo-pairs giving a stereoscopic effect, but that no such stereo-pairs were used by the NAS-holes. Hence, the NAS-holes did not even properly understand the purpose of the reticles or the benefit they were intended to provide.;

  56. In cases where the NAS-holes claim that the exact same camera was used for color and monochrome photographs, why do the color photographs feature reticles while their monochrome counterparts feature none? The specifications of the instrumentation the NAS-holes claim to have used actually demand that recticles be shown in both the color and monochrome cases. Why have the NAS-holes so far refused to provide a credible reason for this?;

  57. There was no independent press coverage of Project Apollo Hoax, although it was billed as a “historical event”. It was as if only the supreme soviet was allowed to report on Project Apollo Hoax. During Project Apollo Hoax, whatever pictures and sound that were distributed to the media were first strictly censored, controlled and previewed by the US federal regime. They were then broadcast and actually remained largely unchecked until the internet arrived around 1995. In 2017, everyone knows that bullshit is what the US federal regime does for a living. But, unlike today’s monopoly-media, the 1960s still featured some proper independent journalism which the US regime still feared immensely. Very few duped people realized that the unthinkable, namely A TOTAL HOAX, was not only possible but absolutely the case.;

  58. When the so-called “C Rock” was pointed out to the NAS-holes, they quickly airbrushed one letter “C” originally seen printed on a “moon” rock lying on the surface of the “moon” and a second letter “C” seen printed in the “moon” dust. After these two perfectly-symmetrical letters “C” were gone from all subsequent versions of the same photograph, the NAS-holes only tried to explain away the first letter “C” on the “moon” rock but provided no explanation for the second letter “C” in the “moon” dust. The NAS-holes also failed to explain what the two letters “C” visible on the original signified? Had the Romans perhaps left a marker to indicate 100 miles?;

  59. The “C Rock” and many other “moon” rocks in the photographs seem to be rounded (in reality they were of course made of Plaster Of Paris or paper-mâché), but the NAS-holes never explained how rocks could be rounded on the “moon” where there is no atmosphere, nor wind nor rain to round them.;

  60. The lunatic-module used on later Apollo hoaxes had the exact same specifications as the one used for the Apollo 11 Hoax, so there had been no modifications for subsequent hoaxes. This all means that it would have been impossible to carry the lunatic-rover vehicle to the “moon” in the same confined lunatic-module even if the vehicle collapsed into a more compact form. Or would the NAS-holes like to claim that they had somehow managed to make the lunatic-rover weightless and invisible during the “trips” there and back?;

  61. The lunatic-rover vehicle was built by Boeing who, by pure “coincidence”, also managed to “destroy” all documentation about it. Shucks, what a “coincidence”, eh?;

  62. If the enormous lunatic-rover was so “easy” to get to the “moon” in the Apollo 15, 16 and 17 hoaxes, then why was the Mars Rover so enormously difficult by comparison? Remember, the NAS-holes claim that the Mars Rover was only one-hundredth the weight of the Apollo lunatic-rover. Even if Mars is further away, how come the Mars Rover caused problems but the lunatic-rover caused none?;

  63. Some NAS-holes claimed the lunatic-rover had no compass because a compass would not work on the “moon”, there being no magnetic poles. Other NAS-holes claimed the lunatic-rover was fitted with a flashy computer which constantly plotted a straight line guiding the astro-nuts back to the lunatic-module. But, the NAS-holes were not satisfied with only two versions, so astro-nut Charles Duke from the Apollo 16 Hoax had to go and claim a third version when he stated that, if an astro-nut driving the lunatic-rover ever got lost, he just followed his tracks back through the “moon” dust to get back to the lunatic-module. So many inconsistencies.;

  64. The onboard computers they had in 1969 had less power than a 2017 pocket calculator. In 1969, computer chips were still in their infancy. The maximum computer memory was 256 KB and that was housed in a large air-conditioned building. In 2017, a top-of-the-range PC requires at least 64 MB of main memory to run a simulated “moon” landing, and that does not include the memory required to take off again after the lunatic-module has landed on the “moon”. But the computer on board the lunatic-module in the Apollo 11 Hoax only had 32 KB of main memory. So how did the NAS-holes even get this to work? Even the ridiculous claim that the lunatic-rover had a guidance computer seems totally absurd.;

  65. The lunatic-rover could not have been capable of negotiating the terrain on the “moon” because it did not have the necessary suspension and ground clearance to negotiate the uneven surfaces and rocks. Also, the lunatic-rover would have had a big problem with traction due to the one-sixth gravity of the “moon”. The lunatic-rover had to endure a rough ride that must have damaged all its delicate onboard equipment.;

  66. When the lunatic-rover scoots across the surface of the “moon” in the movies, it seems to get awesome traction despite being on a one-sixth-gravity surface with thick dust and sand. On Earth, pickup trucks carrying no load will have very little weight over their rear axle and thus have a bad tendency to swerve or skid from side to side (fishtailing), so they become hard to control on a sandy or shifting surface, such as a beach. Surely the lunatic-rover would be nearly impossible to control on the “moon” given that its weight would be one-sixth of its weight on Earth? Yet, the only thing the lunatic-rover seems to have problems with is the bouncing caused by the Plaster Of Paris craters. If the NAS-holes have the secret to such great traction in one-sixth gravity, then why have automobile manufacturers not clamored for it, especially if it would save them money in lawsuits? Is that because automobile manufacturers already knew all along the NAS-holes faked the “moon” landings? If the NAS-holes really had such technology and released it, then many accidents in hydroplaning or caused by hitting soft gravel, sand or ice would all have been a thing of the past.;

  67. While Project Apollo Hoax was still running, the monopoly-media told the world that the astro-nuts carried a cyanide tablet for quick death in case anything went wrong and they could not come home. But later on, Eugene Cernan stated he “did not know” what he would have done if the lunatic-module had not started as he prepared to leave the “moon” and go home. Yet more inconsistencies.;

  68. The lunatic-rover had inflatable tires which, if pre-inflated, would have exploded on arrival. But there was no air on the “moon” to inflate them. So how did the NAS-holes manage to get the inflatable tires onto the “moon” and keep them inflated? Clearly, the NAS-holes are lying again. The Russians built a proper rover having a caterpillar track made of metal, so we know the Russian rover at least looked authentic.;

  69. Many mil-intel whistleblowers have testified that the USA and communist Russia were secret allies after 1945 during the “cold war”, and that the “cold war” was staged. Both countries actually used their excess funds to invest in population control and major population-control experiments. Hence, the argument that the Russians never objected loudly to assertions by the NAS-holes regarding Project Apollo Hoax is irrelevant since, after 1945, both the USA and communist Russia were under the Marxian UN, which spent its time implementing the totalitarian “new world order” for its owner, the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. the English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild).;

  70. How could the lunatic-rover drive on the surface of the “moon” without leaving any tracks behind? Several of the Apollo Hoax photographs show the lunatic-rover as if it had just been planted there with the help of a studio-crane. But then, come to think of it, the Moonset Studio did have at least one crane. The lunatic-rover was said to weigh more than the astro-nuts. If the astro-nuts were able to make visible footprints, then why did the lunatic-rover fail to leave clear tracks over most tracts?;

  71. In the Apollo 16 Hoax, a pole or flagpole in the “moon” soil was apparently hammered into the “moon” soil without the astro-nuts ever getting near it. This is because the footprints are all too far from the pole to be consistent with placing it there, only consistent with walking past it. In the photos, the footprints are all around the pole but never close enough for an astro-nut to have hammered the pole into place. The footprint closest to the pole is about 2 feet away from it but also at roughly a 90-degree angle to it. The footprint angle would be correct for an astro-nut walking past the pole, but not facing it to hammer it in. So who hammered that post in? Was it the Moonset Studio crew?;

  72. Some film footage allegedly taken by the Apollo 8 Hoax as it supposedly circled the “moon” was the exact same film the NAS-holes reused for the Apollo 11 Hoax, except that the film had been reversed to run backwards. Whenever questioned about this, the NAS-holes bark back “No Comment”.;

  73. One reporter asked: “Are you really going to stand there all day giving us this ‘No Comment’ crap?”. But the NAS-holes just replied “No Comment”.;

  74. The NAS-holes forgot to airbrush out an object suspended in the sky above the “moon” which they also refused to explain. On closer inspection, it is easy to make out ceiling beams too. The spooky suspended object is most likely either a lighting unit in the Moonset Studio or a reflection thereof. Some wags joked that it was a flying saucer that space-aliens had sent to scare the NAS-holes off the “moon”.;

  75. The NAS-holes actually reconstructed their “moon” rock from basalt and from meteorite samples gathered in Antarctica. The NAS-holes manufactured simulated “moon” rock for over three years before the Apollo 11 Hoax was launched. An abstract published in 1966 described how the NAS-holes were manufacturing simulated “moon” rocks and displaying them at their biggest studios. The “moon” rocks for the Apollo 11 Hoax came from meteorites collected on Earth (von Braun gathered the rocks himself) before the Apollo 11 Hoax was staged. In the local summer of 1966-1967, von Braun participated in a US expedition to Antarctica. The expedition was one of the first to systematically search the ice surface for meteorites that were believed to originate from the moon. At the time, the NAS-holes claimed this expedition was “for obtaining reference material”. In a ceramics lab, the outer surfaces of the “moon” rocks were then treated with an abrasive to hide the fact that they had in fact fallen through the Earth’s atmosphere. The simulated “moon” rock was, and still is being, dispatched to universities around the world under the fraudulent label of real “moon” rock. These simulated “moon” rocks are, of course, totally different from any rocks found on Earth and they were intended to be that way. Thus, geologists are actually telling the truth when they say these “moon” rocks cannot be found anywhere else on Earth. Of course they cannot, because the NAS-holes manufactured them to fulfill that very requirement. In fact, the NAS-holes are able to manufacture the simulated “moon” rock and the simulated “moon” dust so cheaply that they do not even charge for it. If you order some, the NAS-holes will invoice you for transportation costs only. Nowadays, everyone knows the NAS-holes are useless at science but are at least fairly good at public relations.;

  76. In 2009, the Netherlands national museum (Rijksmuseum) announced that a “moon” rock presented by astro-nuts during their “Giant Lip” Goodwill Tour was just a piece of petrified wood from Earth. The adept researchers from Amsterdam’s Free University said they could see at a glance the rock was not from the “moon”. But the Rijksmuseum resolved to keep the “moon” rock anyway as a curiosity. This was a piercing embarrassment to the NAS-holes, who were very annoyed because they had not given explicit permission to Dutch scientists to test props from their Moonset Studio. One thing the NAS-holes do NOT like is covert testing of their movie props.;

  77. Thomas Ronald Baron was an inspector at Cape Kennedy Pad 34, where the NAS-holes murdered Gus Grissom. Prior to Grissom’s murder, Baron had written a report documenting the incompetence of the NAS-holes and of their prime contractor North American Aviation. At the same time, General Sam Phillips (who headed the Apollo movies for the US Air Force) wrote his own report to Lee Atwood, president of North American Aviation, saying much the same as Baron. After Grissom’s murder, Baron was called before a congressional investigating committee and asked to tell about his experiences. Baron told all, mentioning inept work, mismanagement, total incompetence, flouting of safety regulations, people drunk on the job and basically sounding the alarm that the NAS-holes were failing badly. Four days later, Baron and his entire family were killed in an alleged car accident at a rail crossing near Titusville Florida. If Baron told all and then got killed, it seems VERY likely that he could only have been telling the truth.;

  78. Thomas Ronald Baron also testified that Marvin Holmberg told him that Gus Grissom and his two Apollo 1 colleagues tried to escape the Apollo Hoax Simulator five minutes before their alleged time of death. This is further indication that the NAS-holes actually murdered all three Apollo 1 astro-nuts by flooding the capsule with cyanide gas. After the fire, all three astro-nuts were found wearing their seatbelts and this is evidence that they were not in fact killed by the fire as the NAS-holes still maintain.;

  79. Paul Jacobs was a top investigator who queried the NAS-holes about their “moon” rocks. When Jacobs asked the geologist heading the US Department of Geology to comment on the authenticity of the “moon” rocks, the geologist just laughed. 90 days later, both Jacobs and his wife had died of fast-acting cancer.;

  80. Why did the astro-nuts not take pictures of the stars while they were on the surface of the “moon”? How could they not have seen any stars when all they had to do was turn away from the sun or even just hold up their hand to block the sun’s rays? The proper exposure-setting for the camera-iris to photograph the astro-nuts would have been “mostly-closed” or “almost-completely-closed” to compensate for the bright sunlight on the surface of the “moon”. Such an exposure-setting would have completely diminished the faintness of relatively distant specks of diminutive light, so the black backdrop is fairly plausible. However, the latter does not explain why the NAS-holes never took any photographs of the stars separately, i.e. stars on their own, with a special star-appropriate exposure-setting. If the NAS-holes claim to have taken three automobiles to the “moon”, then how come they “forgot” to take a photographic telescope? Had they done so, they would have been able to see further into the universe than ever before realized. But because the whole project was a hoax, the alleged presence of a photographic telescope would have forced the NAS-holes to invent, sketch and parade galaxies visible from the “moon” but not from the Earth, and such invented galaxies would have been unmasked as fakes by astronomy buffs as soon as more-powerful telescopes became available following the Apollo hoaxes. That main fear forced the NAS-holes to simply shut down all discussion of the stars. In their press conference, the astro-nuts claimed they “could not remember seeing any stars”. But, in the non-atmosphere of the moon, the stars look like the headlights of oncoming trains, totally in your face. “Not remembering any stars” is so absolutely implausible that it has to qualify as one of the biggest red flags indicating a total hoax. The NAS-holes want us to believe that they “forgot” the stars due to “bad planning”. Shucks, the stars just slipped our minds guys.;

  81. The Earth is up to 250,000 miles from the moon. The reflected sunlight from the lunar surface is strong enough to illuminate the darkness on the Earth. Thus, anyone close to or hovering just above the surface of the real moon would be blinded by the high intensity of the light reflected back. So how come none of the astro-nuts ever suffered any blindness or eye problems after their “trips”?;

  82. The lunatic-module’s descent-engine left no landing crater, though its engine allegedly had a thrust of 10,000 pounds. It left no burn-crater because the NAS-holes forgot to fake one in the Apollo 11 Hoax. That meant they had to retain the absence of a burn-crater for all remaining “moon” landings in Project Apollo Hoax and were forced to offer a ludicrous explanation based on zero lunar atmosphere. An impact-crater under the lunatic-module would at least have been an indication of a landing on the surface of the “moon” supposedly covered with multiple layers of dust. But the total absence of any landing crater under the lunatic-module is proof that the NAS-holes were scamming the public. In reality, the NAS-holes made the “moon”-scape from Plaster Of Paris and did not want to ruin all that hard work with an additional impact-crater. Or else they ran out of time and were forced to abandon the idea of presenting an impact-crater in their “moon” movie.;

  83. The lunatic-module’s feet never showed a single speck of “moon” dust. This can only happen if they never landed on the “moon” in the first place. A proper landing would have caused a billowing dust-storm and a lot of dust would have landed on the top and on the feet of the lunatic-module.;

  84. Beginning at an altitude of 1,000 miles above the Earth and extending an additional at least 15,000 miles, lethal bands of radiation appear called the VARB (Van Allen Radiation Belt). Any astro-nut passing through the VARB would have been made extremely ill or even killed by the radiation within a short period. In order to survive the hour-and-a-half journey through this lethal radiation field so as to reach the moon AND return, a 6-foot layer of solid-lead shielding would have been required between the astro-nuts and the exposure outside. The Saturn V rocket carried all craft used for the Apollo 11 Hoax, but it was already as big as a battleship. So adding additional tonnage in the form of a lead barrier completely surrounding the astro-nuts would have made it impossible for the vehicle to get off the ground. The FIRST AND ONLY missions in history to have claimed that they actually sent humans through the deadly VARB field were the NAS-holes during their Project Apollo Hoax. All other missions told the truth on this point by stating that they had maintained altitudes well below the fatal 1,000 mile altitude and never dared to even attempt to go through the VARB. These included Mercury, Gemini, Soyuz, Skylab and even the space-shuttle.;

  85. The NAS-holes claimed that the astro-nuts were only in the VARB for two hours per “trip” so it was thus of no serious danger to them. But that is like saying that you get less wet in a torrential downpour if you stay in it for less than two hours. Dr John Mauldin stated: “Solar flares or protons can give off doses of hundreds-of-thousands of roentgens over a few hours at Earth distance [25,000 miles]. Such doses are fatal …”. So clearly, the NAS-holes were and still are lying about the real dangers of the VARB.;

  86. The US satellite Explorer 4 was launched on 26 Jul 1958. It carried a Geiger counter in a one-centimeter lead casing. When the radiation it measured was recalibrated, it was found to be greater than what later occurred when the Chernobyl core melted down. Hence, you would have expected some or all of the astro-nuts to have died or at least to have been sick for months or years after each Apollo movie.;

  87. There is now absolute proof available that the main stumbling block foiling the NAS-holes was in fact the very same lethal radiation of the VARB field. Passing through the radiation of deep space is not just a major problem, it is a complete showstopper which totally prevents human space travel until a solution can be found, not by NAS-holes but by proper scientists. Beyond the Earth’s protective magnetosphere, the deadly radiation of space renders human space travel impossible. Proper scientists have not yet found a way to protect astro-nuts from this deadly radiation. The NAS-holes will never be able to find a solution to this problem because they are a bunch of NAS-holes. It can only be done by proper scientists.;

  88. In 2014, a spokesman for the NAS-holes talked about the VARB and finally admitted: “We must solve these challenges [with VARB radiation levels] BEFORE we send people through this region of space”.;

  89. Bart Sibrel’s 2001 documentary “A Funny Thing Happened On The Way To The Moon” shows all three astro-nuts of the Apollo 11 Hoax faking an Earth-view while claiming to be 130,000 miles away from the “moon”, or roughly halfway there. This sequence stemmed from raw (or unedited) footage released by mistake by the NAS-holes to the documentary crew. It shows Armstrong, Aldrin and Collins planning and making a very deceptive film depicting the Earth at a distance (along with a one-foot-diameter picture of Earth and a cardboard crescent-insert) in order to falsely demonstrate their journey “far from” the Earth and their impossible “survival” after the lethal VARB, all with particularly clear behind-the-scenes audio. At the very same time, the real Earth is actually visible from a different capsule window although the NAS-holes never explained the two different Earth images. An atomic clock at the Goldstone Tracking Station dated the reel to 18, 19, 20 Jul 1969, the very days of the Apollo 11 “trip” when the NAS-holes claimed the very same astro-nuts were starting their orbit around the “moon”. It is also apparent that the astro-nuts are in genuine zero-gravity. But because the real Earth is visible, the astro-nuts are proven to be no further than Low Earth Orbit, or a couple of hundred miles out. Later that evening, the NAS-holes claimed the same astro-nuts were walking on the “moon”. But how could that be when they were in Earth Orbit only nine hours earlier and the moon would have been a three-day trip away? This provided the first absolute forensic proof that the astro-nuts of the Apollo 11 Hoax could never have been near the moon on 20 Jul 1969, thus providing solid legal grounds for suing the NAS-holes and the US regime for embezzlement, deception and fraud. This absolute proof was obtained on account of a chance mistake by the NAS-holes when they inadvertently gave raw or unedited footage to Bart Sibrel’s documentary crew. Why all this trickery with the window, the crescent-insert and the Earth-view? If the astro-nuts of the Apollo 11 Hoax had really gone to the moon, then why would they be faking any part of their “journey”?;

  90. Prof Lawrence Pinsky stated: “The radiation dose received by crews on space missions is not just another nuisance-type problem that just needs to be estimated and tabulated. In planning for longer-duration missions, it is one of the major limiting factors and must be a baseline consideration in the design of any vehicle-mission combination where planners anticipate either very long durations or exposure outside the geomagnetic environment”.;

  91. The VARB field has been dubbed God’s Electronic Fence, or His way of saying “Thus far, and no further”. Indeed, Acts 17:26 confirms: “and God made from one man every nation of mankind to live on all the face of the Earth, having determined their appointed times and THE BOUNDARIES OF THEIR HABITATION”. Should the NAS-holes not have spent more time reading their Bible? Maybe they did and were afraid of being ridiculed, given that Luke 14:28-29 states: “For which of you, desiring to build a tower, does not first sit down and count the cost, whether he has enough to complete it? Otherwise, when he has laid a foundation and is not able to finish, all who see it begin to mock him”. Unfortunately for the NAS-holes, those mocking times are here to stay.;

  92. In the 1960s, calculated in hours of spaceflight, the Russians were five times more experienced in space than the Americans, but the Russians never even dreamt of putting a human through the VARB. The Russians were shrewd enough only to dare to send unmanned probes to the moon instead. On 12 Sep 1959, the Luna-2 achieved the world’s first lunar impact. On 31 Jan 1966, the Luna-9 achieved the world’s first unmanned soft-landing on the moon. On 21 Dec 1966, the Luna-13 soft-landed on the moon and studied it. On 13 Jul 1969, one week before the NAS-holes hoaxed a “manned soft-landing” on the “moon” in their Apollo 11 Hoax, the Luna-15 crashed on the lunar surface. And on 10 Nov 1970, Luna-17 placed the world’s first rover on the moon. But these successful missions were punctuated with failed missions, which tells us that the Russians were being much more truthful about what they were achieving. The big difference was that the Russians were far ahead of the USA but were also documenting their many failures as well, instead of claiming nothing but successes as the NAS-holes were doing during the entire Project Apollo Hoax. The NAS-holes only ever admitted one single failure, and even that turned out to be a movie about Apollo 13 which was ridden with occult symbolism. The lunar successes of the Russians had galvanized the London-NY-Axis into trying to level the score. We now know for sure that they could not do so legitimately and that the only way they could “succeed” in getting to the “moon” was to totally fake it.;

  93. If the NAS-holes actually sent men to the “moon” six times, then why did they find it necessary to fake still-photographs and film clips shot during the Apollo “missions”. The NAS-holes actually created most of the faked “moon” landing photographs in the mid-1990s and not in the late 1960s as many were led to believe. But why?;

  94. In 1998, the US space-shuttle flew to an altitude of 350 miles above the Earth, one of its highest altitudes ever, but still 650 miles below where the VARB (Van Allen Radiation Belt) commences. Even at this relatively low altitude, the VARB still had harsh adverse effects on the astro-nuts even inside their shielded spacecraft and inside their shielded spacesuits (the suits had shielding of glass-fiber, some aluminum fiber and silicone rubber). With their eyes shut, the space-shuttle astro-nuts saw flashes of light that they described as shooting stars due to radiation penetrating first the shuttle’s shielding, then their spacesuit shielding, then their skulls and finally the retinas of their closed eyes. As a result, CNN reported the “unpredicted surprise” on the part of the NAS-holes stating: “The radiation belt surrounding the Earth may be more dangerous for spacewalking astro-nuts than previously believed. Scientists say the phenomenon known as the Van Allen Belts can spawn killer electrons when the Earth’s magnetic field changes. These electrons, that are being studied, could have an important effect not only on satellites which has happened in the past but could also affect astro-nuts by creating large doses of radiation that could [adversely] influence their health. The electrons can penetrate through various materials including spacesuits, and can in fact pass through the walls of the space station, and can create high charges deep inside of these objects”. In other words, the NAS-holes could never have gotten through the VARB field in 1969 without dozens of astro-nuts being killed or severely afflicted. The official-truth narrative maintained by the NAS-holes is that the Apollo Hoax astro-nuts were protected by a very thin layer of aluminum. But we all know that, on Earth, a lead shield is given as protection to every patient, even before a small dental X-Ray.;

  95. The whole idea of taking 70 mm Kodak Ektachrome film unscathed through three Van Allen Radiation Belts was always nonsense. The whole idea of taking Ektachrome photographs on the surface of the “moon” while you’re being bombarded by gamma rays was more utter nonsense. Because the pictures would have all been fogged on account of the VARB, solar flares and lunar gamma rays. Both the Swedish camera manufacturer Hasselblad AB and the US camera manufacturer Eastman Kodak verified they had done nothing to enhance the cameras or the film, and that the film was just regular Ektachrome. So given that you can fog your own Ektachrome film when you go through an airport X-Ray machine, it seems exceedingly odd that the same film would not even get even slightly fogged after passing through the Van Allen Radiation Belts and spending a whole five days being massively bombarded with gamma rays on the “moon”. I am afraid this all smacks of Moonset Studio.;

  96. The anomalies from the Apollo hoaxes included thousands of obviously faked photographs, the lack of damage to the photographs from the immense temperature variations, no fogging or discoloration from radiation, no lightning streaks from micrometeorites passing by, no stars visible. Conclusion: Photographs obviously taken using artificial lighting in a Moonset Studio. These and hundreds of other anomalies show the Apollo story maintained by the NAS-holes to be a complete and utter fraud. The vast expanses of space over the “moon” look completely black and empty. The NAS-holes were forced to leave out the stars because amateur astronomy buffs or keen observers would have been able to discern the inaccuracies of their hoax all the more quickly, and the NAS-holes simply did not have the expertise to map out the stars properly. Normally, on a moon having no atmosphere, you would expect the stars to be a quite a sight to behold. Yet none of the NAS-holes ever even mentioned the stars.;

  97. Each Apollo Saturn V rocket lifted a payload into Earth Orbit. The NAS-holes explained that this payload included a functioning lunatic-module and command-module, and that these were later sent on a trajectory to the “moon”. However, if no “moon” landing actually took place, which seems the most likely scenario, then it is a pretty safe bet that no lunatic-module or command-module capable of functioning as advertised was ever on board a Saturn V rocket during lift-off. One must thus wonder exactly what payload was actually placed into Earth Orbit during each Apollo mission. Could it be that these payloads were of a military nature? Lacking congressional support for their plans, perhaps the Pentagon and the NAS-holes found another means of achieving their goals. If legislators would not support their vision, then the NAS-holes only had to dress their vision as one that would be supported. By igniting the public’s imagination with a vision of landing astro-nuts on the “moon” and returning them safely back to Earth (a goal which conveniently encompassed that of placing a military payload into Earth Orbit), the Pentagon and the NAS-holes easily obtained the 30 billion USD funding they sought from unwary US taxpayers (equivalent to over 1.5 trillion USD in 2017 terms). While TV viewers were watching pre-recorded film footage being simulcast worldwide, in reality a crew of NAS-holes was busy sending a shiny new military satellite or spy satellite (or other military capsule) into orbit. So was Project Apollo Hoax really only about space exploration, as the NAS-holes claimed, or was it a deception employed in pursuit of the unauthorized, unilateral control of space? If each Apollo was only for depositing a space-capsule in Earth Orbit, then we can gauge what that space-capsule might have been from its weight because the Saturn V rocket would have shed 97 percent of its weight upon reaching Earth Orbit with the remaining 3 percent representing the permanent space-capsule the NAS-holes must have placed in Earth Orbit.;

  98. Many aerospace insiders have pointed out that if the Saturn V had really worked, then there would have been no need to replace it with the highly inefficient space-shuttle. If the Saturn V had really worked, then the space-shuttle could have started not in 1981 but about 5 years sooner. Hence, it is highly likely that the NAS-holes are telling lies even about the abilities of the Saturn V. Because the claimed performance of the Saturn V was a total hoax, the NAS-holes were forced to scrap it and start over from scratch, so they designed a whole new system that would actually work for the space-shuttle, even if the space-shuttle put up only one-sixth as much payload and cost three times as much to launch.;

  99. Using rocket technology, a manned soft-landing on Earth has NEVER YET been achieved … EVER. A manned soft-landing means backing up onto the surface without a parachute and using the thruster rockets to slow yourself down. In fact, Neil Armstrong almost broke his neck trying to land the lunatic-module on Earth prior to the 20 Jul 1969 hoax. However, the NAS-holes today still claim the first manned soft-landing in history using rocket technology was on the “moon” and that the only other five times manned soft-landings were achieved in history were all on the “moon”. In other words, the NAS-holes claim the only six times in history when a manned soft-landing was achieved using rocket technology were on the “moon”. That is so amazing that it is beyond belief. It defies technological logic because it normally takes hundreds of tries before you get it right and yet the NAS-holes tell us they risked the lives of all those “moon” astro-nuts to achieve the only six manned soft-landings in all history using rocket technology. In late 2015, an “ISS” astro-nut said in an interview “the challenge is getting past 400 miles; it’s the radiation, it’s the Van Allen Belt and that’s the challenge we need to try to overcome before we can try to get to the moon“. That sounds very much like conclusive proof that the NAS-holes were previously purveying nothing but total nonsense about ever having landed on the “moon” in the first place. It appears we need to go back to square one and start again by asking either the NAS-holes (total liars really) or, better still, asking some proper scientists: Exactly how do you get near the “moon”, orbit the “moon”, land safely on the “moon”, and then take off and get back to Earth?;

  100. There were no “independent” tracking stations during Project Apollo Hoax. The only entities which had such capability were the USA’s own regime agencies (who had themselves orchestrated the hoax) and countries who profited from keeping the secret. So the regime and the NAS-holes had put the fox guarding the henhouse. Additionally, shortly before Project Apollo Hoax, the NAS-holes launched the Tetra-A Satellite, which was specifically designed to simulate transmissions coming from the “moon” so that the ground crews could rehearse the “landings” during their many simulations. By pure “coincidence”, it was purported that the Tetra-A Satellite “accidentally burned up” in the Earth’s atmosphere just before the Apollo 11 Hoax. But, in reality, and just because we know what dirty liars the NAS-holes are, it was much more likely that the Tetra-A Satellite was still secretly in service and performing the very same simulation function during the Apollo 11 Hoax, so as to convince even the NAS-holes on the ground of the “validity” of all the data they were receiving and of the Apollo 11 “landings” as a whole. A retired ground-crew member recently admitted: “Our computers could not tell any difference whatsoever between a real or simulated mission to the moon”. So this is very probably the actual method the NAS-holes used to deceive even their own teams in Houston, Cape Kennedy etc.;

  101. Because Project Apollo Hoax was compartmentalized with each contractor working on only a small portion of the hoax, only a handful of NAS-holes could see the overall picture and could know it was all a hoax. Bill Kaysing was one such person and he was the first major voice to declare the emperor unclad.;

  102. Nowadays, the clear general consensus among contractors working for the NAS-holes is that mankind has NEVER been to the moon. This can easily be verified by e-mailing the contractors for their opinions.;

  103. If you look carefully at the astro-nuts in the films and photos, you see many wrinkles in their spacesuits as they walked on the “moon”. The NAS-holes claim that the spacesuits of the astro-nuts had 5.1 pounds of pressure which implies that all the spacesuits of all the astro-nuts would have been ballooning out. This would have severely restricted their movements and made the astro-nuts look like the proverbial Michelin Man. None of the astro-nuts would have been able to tighten his fists at all. But that would have made for very bad TV and even worse PR. Clearly, the NAS-holes decided against showing a “real Michelin Man”. The film and photos of the astro-nuts all show the very opposite, i.e. they are not ballooning out, the astro-nuts are able to move flexibly and even able to make minor modifications and repairs to equipment. They are even able to focus the TV-camera and the still-cameras (which had no viewfinders). This shows that the films and photos were never actually shot on the “moon”. The NAS-holes are claiming total nonsense.;

  104. Nexus magazine editor Marcus Allen contacted ILC Dover, the spacesuit manufacturer for Project Apollo Hoax. Allen asked if the spacesuits could be used for radiation-protection at radioactive clean-up sites like Fukushima, Chernobyl or Three Mile Island. ILC Dover told Allen: “No. The spacesuits do not provide any radiation protection at all”. To stop radiation penetration, you need molecular density, which typically means multiple inches of both solid lead and solid aluminum for starters. This all means the astro-nuts had zero protection when they allegedly passed through the VARB and could never have survived. Hence, the NAS-holes are lying when they claim that they sent literally dozens of astro-nuts through the VARB on the way to the “moon” and back. In any one of the “trips”, the VARB would have in reality killed everyone on board.;

  105. One Interpol agent stated that Aldrin and Armstrong actually feared for they lives, and that the CIA was prepared with a “solid-medical-reason scenario” if Aldrin or Armstrong ever decided to sill the beans about Project Apollo Hoax to proper journalists in the alternative media (who are the only journalists left given that the monopoly-media abandoned proper journalism around 1980).;

  106. In the Apollo 14 Hoax, astro-nut Alan Shepard was filmed driving a golf ball across the “moon” with the camera right behind him. The ball is driven hard and is seen to slowly curve off to the right. Of course, this cannot happen on the real moon because a golf ball cannot curve in the vacuum of space where there is no air to curve it. As usual, the NAS-holes have no comment to explain this. Because the NAS-holes are a bunch of NAS-holes, their specialty is lying and PR. Their specialty has never yet been real science.;

  107. The first mention of Stan Kubrick faking the moon landings was made by the great Bill Kaysing in a 1970 interview. Kaysing had worked as a technical writer for Pratt & Whitney Rocketdyne and he had a special pass called a “Gray Pass” which meant that he could go to any department run by the NAS-holes and be allowed to see absolutely anything he wanted. Kaysing was one of the few who could see the big picture because he was never compartmentalized off (via the “Need To Know” censorship technique). Kaysing testified that he saw an internal memo circulated by the NAS-holes in the early 1960s which declared that they had a one-in-ten-thousand chance of making it to the moon on their first try. He later authored the book “We Never Went to the Moon: America’s Thirty Billion Dollar Swindle”, which he was forced to self-publish in 1975. But the 1969 leading-edge technology the NAS-holes claim to have used for the Apollo hoax was closer to fire-wagons than to tin-can spaceships. While Bill Kaysing was being interviewed on live radio, a pilot for a major airline called the radio station and stated that Kaysing must be right because he had actually seen the Apollo 11 capsule, the astro-nuts and their big parachute being dropped from the cargo hold of a Lockheed C-5 Galaxy while he was piloting a nonstop flight from San Francisco to Tokyo at the very time the monopoly-media said they were due to return to Earth. Bill Kaysing also stated that none of the Apollo Hoax documents were classified and yet they were all still unavailable to the public. He also emphasized the importance of exposing Project Apollo Hoax so as to unravel the truth in so many other areas too because, once you finally open Pandora’s Box, the US regime would be forced to capitulate and stop hiding behind its sham smokescreen of “national security”. This does indeed sound plausible. As soon as an open admission is made that the NAS-holes lied and that the whole “scientific” establishment covered up their lies, then they (i.e. both the NAS-holes and the “scientific” establishment) would lose legitimacy very quickly and that would bring down a whole house of cards.;

  108. After Bill Kaysing published his book in 1975, he did a live radio interview with Victor Boc on Radio KOME San José California. Halfway through the interview, a helicopter dropped napalm on the radio station causing the interview and the whole radio station to go off the air. This was Kaysing’s first real indication that it might be perceived as un-American to tell the truth about Project Apollo Hoax.;

  109. Why do so many photographs on the surface of the “moon” exhibit a feature-rich foreground that abruptly terminates in a featureless, blurry background? In real life, as any photographer knows, the background never starts right after the subject of interest but continues in perspective for ever. This indicated that the NAS-holes had decided to use a grade-Z movie backdrop. So did luciferian-Freemason Stan Kubrick use a front-projection screen like he did in his “2001; A Space Odyssey” movie, as so many have claimed? Kubrick’s creepy movie called “The Shining” seems to clearly hint that he did indeed suffer at least one nervous breakdown while filming the Apollo 11 Hoax. In the typewriter scene, close scrutiny of the note typed on the German Adler Universal typewriter (which perfectionist Kubrick insisted on) and its font shows “A-Eleven Work And No Play Makes Jack A Dull Boy” (i.e. not “all work …”) repeated hundreds of times. Here, “Jack” stands for both Kubrick and lead Torrance. In another major departure from the book penned by luciferian-Freemason Stephen King, Torrance (representing Kubrick) actually murders Halorann with an ax, leading many to suspect that Kubrick was confessing that somebody actually died in real life due to some indiscretion or mismanagement on his own part. Kubrick also insisted his creepy movie Eyes Wide Shut be released on 16 Jul 1999, exactly 30 years after the launch of the Apollo 11 Hoax.;

  110. The movie “Apollo 11 Hoax Moon Landing”, simulcast worldwide on 20 Jul 1969, may have been Stan Kubrick’s most famous movie although it still remains unlisted by IMDB. As soon as IMDB finally agrees to list it, fans will be aching to see the “Goofs” section for which IMDB is so famous. The “Goofs” section will of course be far longer than for any other movie in all of history because it was made under the stress of enormous interference by the NAS-holes. Maybe that is one reason why Kubrick hinted he had at least one nervous breakdown while filming it. One old inside joke about Kubrick’s perfectionism went: “In six days, God created the heavens and the Earth. On the seventh day, Stanley Kubrick sent everything back for modifications”.;

  111. The NAS-holes claim there are still artifacts on the “moon” having been left behind by many of their astro-nuts. If there are such artifacts, then they might have been placed there by unmanned missions. Hence, artifacts were never “proof” that the NAS-holes sent astro-nuts to the moon. Also, why don’t they point the Hubble telescope at the moon to view the artifacts left behind? Or why do they not point other telescopes (those even more powerful than the Hubble) at the moon to show us what is there? The NAS-holes own and operate the Hubble. But, because they were the ones who made the Apollo Hoax in the first place, there is little chance they would choose to expose it. In order to cover up for the NAS-holes, paid shills like Phil Plait and Jay Windley claim that the Hubble cannot resolve down to view the landing sites. But how much resolution do they actually need? As it happens, the Hubble will in fact resolve down to 50 meters on the surface of the moon and that would be more than enough to view the “artifacts” allegedly left behind by the astro-nuts. In reality, the NAS-holes do in fact have very-high-resolution photographs of the moon, but they do not want to release them to the monopoly-media because the first thing readers and viewers would ask to see would be the “artifacts” left behind by the astro-nuts from Project Apollo Hoax (which are either nonexistent or were left by unmanned missions). Overall, the NAS-holes do not want people finding out that they actually scammed well over a trillion USD from US taxpayers over the decades and may have used the money instead for implementing the police state for the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. the English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild). In this context, the excuses supplied by paid shills like Phil Plait and Jay Windley can only be regarded as the paltry fig leaves given by those having ulterior motives. All this keeps repeating the question: Why have the NAS-holes so far refused to give one credible reason for not pointing the Hubble at the moon?;

  112. Even using today’s military technology (i.e. disregarding the loads of undisclosed or secretized technology already being deployed by the NAS-holes and the power-elite), it is very difficult to achieve an altitude of even 62 miles. Astro-nut Gus Grissom was a man of great integrity and was very outspoken about Program Apollo Hoax. On 22 Jun 1967, Grissom held an unauthorized press conference in which he told reporters that the US was “at least a decade away from even contemplating a lunar mission”. The NAS-holes murdered him for giving that interview without permission and for being too honest. The NAS-holes intended his murder to serve as a warning to all other astro-nuts to keep in line and keep quiet. Just before his murder, Grissom also remarked “how are we going to get to the moon if we can’t even talk between three buildings?” and famously hung a lemon on the Apollo Hoax Simulator. Here was a prominent insider in the midst of the NAS-holes who was telling us the truth, that Program Apollo Hoax was doomed to total failure.;

  113. In a 1994 interview with Sheena McDonald of BBC, Dan Goldin (who was head of the NAS-holes at the time) openly admitted that “mankind cannot venture beyond Earth Orbit, until they can overcome the dangers of cosmic radiation”. He managed to say this without making any mention of Project Apollo Hoax twenty-six years prior and was of course never properly cross-examined by this monopoly-media shill. The NAS-holes still officially maintain Project Apollo Hoax went 250,000 miles outside of Earth Orbit.;

  114. In the March 1959 edition of Scientific American, James Van Allen stated: “Our measurements show that the maximum radiation level dated to 1958 is equivalent to between 10 and 100 roentgens per hour, depending on the still-undetermined proportion of protons to electrons. Since a human being exposed for two days to even 10 roentgens would have only a 50 percent chance of survival, the (VARB) radiation belts obviously present an obstacle to space flight”. Hence, Van Allen doomed Project Apollo to failure, so that it had to be replaced by Project Apollo Hoax which the NAS-holes ran to scam everyone, but most of all US taxpayers.;

  115. James Van Allen also pointed out how ridiculous it was that the astro-nuts could ever have taken off from Cape Kennedy. In WW2, the German space program favored taking off from the Antarctic. And Van Allen also verified the German method saying: “Manned space rockets can best take off through the radiation-free zone over the poles”.;

  116. In his 1953 book “Conquest of the Moon”, Wernher von Braun stated: “It is commonly believed that man will fly directly from the Earth to the moon, but to do this, we would require a vehicle of such gigantic proportions that it would prove an economic impossibility. It would have to develop sufficient speed to penetrate the atmosphere and overcome the Earth’s gravity and, having traveled all the way to the moon, it must still have enough fuel to land safely and make the return trip to the Earth. Furthermore, in order to give the expedition a margin of safety, we would not use one ship alone, but a minimum of three … each rocket ship would be taller than New York’s Empire State Building (1250 feet) and weigh about ten times the tonnage of the Queen Mary, or some 800 thousand tons”. This was Wernher von Braun, the so-called father of the Apollo Space Program, explaining to the world why ALL the Apollo Hoax missions were a plain impossibility until such time that such an enormous craft could be built. But Project Apollo Hoax used a 3-stage Saturn V (an expendable rocket the NAS-holes used between 1966 and 1973) which weighed 3,000 tons, i.e. 266 times smaller than it needed to be according to von Braun’s 1953 calculation. It has been argued that Wernher von Braun wrote the above words before the invention of the 3-stage Saturn V, and that its invention invalidated his 1953 statements. But that is not the case because the sheer size of the craft the NAS-holes needed to reach the moon would have been hundreds of times that of the Saturn V and the lunatic-module combined.;

  117. Werner von Braun also stated that, for man to get to the moon, a space station would FIRST have to be built and a specially constructed spaceship would have to be launched from that space station before even setting out for the moon.;

  118. Dr Carol Rosin first met Wernher von Braun in Feb 1974, roughly three years before he died. Von Braun confided to Rosin the details of multiple hoaxes pulled off by the power-elite (which he referred to as “a secretive transnational power”). One was the secret agenda to weaponize space, which he said was for world control under an oppressive one world regime. He said the power-elite were moving to permanently take control of the Earth. According to von Braun, space weapons were really for controlling the world but would be justified first as a defense against the Russians, next against terrorists from rogue nations, then as protection against asteroids and meteors, and finally against a threat from outer-space (today often called Project Blue Beam). The crucial aspect of this was that von Braun was an insider who really knew how the world really works. He said all these publicly-announced threats were lies and stated that, in 1974, nuclear suitcase-bombs were already available, as were chemical, viral, bacterial and biological terror-weapons against which such space-based weapons would anyway be useless. He also stated that, in 1974, the USA had the technology to build anti-gravity craft and entire transportation systems which would render pollution by fossil fuels unnecessary. However, von Braun did not explicitly blow the whistle on Project Apollo Hoax but he certainly did reveal the extent of hoaxing by the power-elite. He implied the whole “cold war” and the coming “war on terror” were staged events and that the power-elite were willing to exaggerate bogus threats to achieve greater control over humanity. In that way, von Braun certainly did confirm that the power-elite were easily able to pull off major hoaxes.;

  119. Arthur C Clarke was a 33rd-degree luciferian-Freemason and child-rapist who moved to Sri Lanka to pursue his depraved lifestyle with impunity. He is credited with being a “genius” for inventing the geostationary satellite by writing about it in one of his creepy short stories. But, to the total dismay of all the NAS-holes, supposed “expert” Arthur C Clarke referred to Apollo 11 Hoax as “A Hole In History”.;

  120. At a public lecture to some 200-300 people, PhD astrophysicist Prof James McCanney acknowledged that the 1969-1972 “moon” missions were “a gigantic hoax”.;

  121. Award-winning cinematographer David Percy stated: “All the photos [in Project Apollo Hoax] were faked and taken on Earth”.;

  122. On 28 Jul 2005, Prof André Balogh of the Beast’s astronomical society said: “The problems the NAS-holes are having with the space-shuttle show the true reality of space travel in Low Earth Orbit. Visions of manned space travel to the moon, to Mars and beyond are still pure science fiction”.;

  123. Historian AJP Taylor referred to the Apollo 11 Hoax as “The Biggest Nonevent Of My Lifetime”.;

  124. John Lear said that the only gas giants in the solar system were organizations run by the NAS-holes.;

  125. In a C-SPAN interview on 19 Jul 2012, astro-nut Buzz Aldrin stated that a moon called Phobos circles Mars once every seven hours and it has its very own monolith (like in Kubrick’s movie). But this monolith idea must be total nonsense. Why? We must remember that, like all astro-nuts, Buzz Aldrin was a senior luciferian-Freemason. This makes it much more likely that he wanted to promote the creepy “2001” story of fellow-Freemasons Arthur C Clarke and Stan Kubrick and, more broadly, the whole luciferian agenda.;

  126. Prior to each Apollo-Hoax movie, the astro-nuts never had any tension in their voices or their movements prior to taking off. It was as if they were all going on vacation to Honolulu, and not heading off to be men on the “moon”. It is most likely they did not dread the journey because they secretly knew it was just another routine trip into Low Earth Orbit (or else because studio-filming was already complete).;

  127. By insisting that mankind went to the “moon” in 1969, the NAS-holes are claiming illogical, bizarre and farfetched fantasies to be true. But rocket technology could not have surged from small V2 rockets to giant Saturn V rockets in only 30 years. That would be like saying that, in only 30 years, aviation technology jumped from the Sopwith-Camel biplanes in 1918 to Concords. It just does not happen that way, and it just did not happen. The NAS-holes are lying, but theirs is a lie few intelligent people believe anymore.;

  128. How come the NAS-holes decided to risk human lives rather than first sending an animal around the “moon” and then maybe to the “moon”? The many dangers from radiation, micrometeorites, solar flares etc. Why would the NAS-holes decide to send several humans to the moon before they even knew for certain that it was safe? Even though the US regime at the time was headed by genociders Kissinger and Nixon, you would still surely have thought that they feared a public backlash from losing humans in “space”? Or was that the real reason they decided to fake it? Because they knew it was impossible?;

  129. Whenever the NAS-holes launch a satellite or a space-shuttle from Earth, the majority of the launch-craft have first-stage and second-stage rockets and thousands of gallons of fuel, but that is only for launching them into Earth Orbit, perhaps two-hundred miles up. Also, each craft is launched from a specially-constructed launch-pad. Yet the NAS-holes expect us to believe that anyone can just hop off the “moon” without much fuel or any of the other paraphernalia they clearly require on Earth for a proper lift-off. Even with moon gravity at one-sixth that of the Earth, the NAS-holes have never managed to make their blast-offs from the “moon” seem plausible. Apart from resembling “Thunderbirds”, we really need some proper reason here as to why no specially-constructed launch-pad was ever needed on take off from the “moon”;

  130. Each Apollo “moon” hoax claimed to set up experiments as part of their mission and that objects left behind were “proof” that their astro-nuts had been on the “moon”. But that is total nonsense because any number of unmanned missions could have placed any number of objects on the moon. The NAS-holes often cite the presence of the Lunar Laser Ranger as “evidence” their astro-nuts were on the “moon”. But because unmanned missions could have placed it there, that is more nonsense. It is also a well-known fact that the Lunar Laser Ranger is not absolutely necessary for international wireless communications because it was always possible, even before Project Apollo Hoax, to bounce signals off the moon. On 9 May 1962 (over 7 years before the Apollo 11 Hoax), a high-powered pulsed ruby laser was successfully aimed at the moon and reflected back off the moon’s surface.;

  131. The NAS-holes are a private military corporation (DUNS® number 003259074) which has largely failed to masquerade as a civilian organization. The corporation was formed by Psych Eisenhower in 1958 with the task of scamming the US taxpayers and preserving the status quo. Its biggest mistake was to immediately declare the existence of the VARB (Van Allen Radiation Belt), which was to become the biggest proof that the NAS-holes faked the Apollo 11 moon landing and simulcast a movie worldwide on 20 Jul 1969. The NAS-holes could have used electrogravitic propulsion (and thus increased speed enormously) for their space-shuttle but instead decided to use outdated technology (which they also gave to the Russians for free, released in Russia as the Buran). The NAS-holes have scammed the public for decades.;

  132. On 10 Sept 2001, one day before the London-NY-Axis attacks on NYC, Donald Rumsfeld admitted to a 2.3 trillion USD “un-documentable adjustment” in the Pentagon and stated that, for one year, the NAS-holes had an “un-documentable adjustment” of 500 billion USD. This report was deliberately released the day before the London-NY-Axis attacks because they knew the 11 Sept story would easily bury it.;

  133. Although the US military claims that the HAARP program has been shut down, its Alaska HAARP facility is still up and running. The USA first deployed covert weather weapons in Vietnam in 1967, for instance to increase rainfall over North Vietnamese positions. Documents written by the NAS-holes reveal that so-called “climate change” was caused by the same weather-weapons program. That makes the NAS-holes complicit in the alarmist climate-change scam being deployed by the London-NY-Axis to create a world tax system.;

  134. luciferian-Freemasons love astronomy, numerology and geometry, and also the sadistic mockery of their victims. This final aspect mentioned, the sadistic mockery of their victims, explains why they took special delight in launching Program Apollo Hoax. Sirius is important in luciferian-Freemasonic lore. Sirius was at its zenith when the words “The Eagle Has Landed” from the Apollo 11 movie were simulcast worldwide on 20 Jul 1969. This was in the “dog days” of the summer of 1969, these dog days being so called because they correspond with the rise of Sirius (also known as the dog star).;

  135. How do we know for sure that Freemasonry is luciferian? Because the writings of top Freemasons such as Albert Pike and Manly-Palmer Hall made this admission and expounded in great detail about how the Freemasonic godhead is in fact lucifer.;

  136. All NAS-holes wear mission patches full of occult and luciferian-Freemasonic symbolism, but maybe none more so than the Apollo crews. The names of the missions and craft are almost always those of ancient gods or astrological signs; they always use complex Sacred Geometry (the secrets of which are kept by luciferian-Freemasons). Why was it “the eagle” that landed on the Moon? Eagles have long been used to symbolize the crown chakra. Many mission patches feature the caduceus, serpents, eagles and other occult symbols. The STS-58 patch shows a snake coiling up a pole with a V under it on one side and a caduceus on the other.;

  137. Although the NAS-holes and the monopoly-media reported that the Challenger blew up in Jan 86, at least six of the seven Challenger astro-nuts are still alive in 2017. Ellison Onizuka now goes by Claude Onizuka and claims he is his own “identical twin”. Challenger pilot Michael J Smith never even bothered to change his name and is now a professor emeritus at University of Wisconsin-Madison. SC McAuliffe is now law-professor SA McAuliffe at Syracuse University. Challenger commander Frank Richard Scobee is now the CEO of Cows in Trees Ltd. Judith Resnik is now a law-professor at Skull & Bones University (sometimes called Yale). Ronald McNair now goes by Carl McNair and also claims he is his own “identical twin”. No one knows why the seventh astro-nut, Gregory Bruce Jarvis, did not opt to be his own “identical twin” too, or what he went on to become after “dying” along with all the other astro-nuts in the “Challenger Fireball” movie. The well-known shuttle-name hoax can be abridged as: “The ENTERPRISE called COLUMBIA [pseudonym for the USA] will ENDEAVOR for the DISCOVERY of ATLANTIS and all CHALLENGERs shall be destroyed”. Given that space-shuttles Challenger and Columbia were destroyed, that may mean the USA is next slated for destruction in the Grand Plan of luciferian-Freemasonry.;

  138. The NAS-holes are luciferian-Freemasons of the 32nd-degree or higher. It would appear that they are also involved in the drugs business because the states in which they have a strong presence (Florida, Texas, California, New Mexico and Arizona) also became the biggest drug states. An inordinate number of NAS-holes and astro-nuts are and were open luciferian-Freemasons or from luciferian-Freemasonic families. It is likely that even more astro-nuts and NAS-holes of key importance are affiliated with Freemasonry too, but were not so open about their membership. C Fred Kleinknecht, head of the NAS-holes at the time of Project Apollo Hoax, was later the Sovereign Grand Commander of the Council of the 33rd-degree of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of luciferian-Freemasonry of the Southern Jurisdiction; James Webb, second head of the NAS-holes, was a 33rd-degree luciferian-Freemason; Buzz Aldrin was a 33rd-degree luciferian-Freemason of Montclair Lodge 144 in NJ; Gordon Cooper (Mercury 9, Gemini 5) was a 33rd-degree master luciferian-Freemason of Carbondale Lodge 82 in Colorado; Edgar Mitchell (Apollo 14 Hoax) was a 33rd-degree luciferian-Freemason of Artesta Lodge 29 in New Mexico; Donn Eisele (Apollo 7 Hoax) was luciferian-Freemason of Luther Turner Lodge 732 in Ohio; John Glenn (Mercury 6) was luciferian-Freemason; Gus Grissom (Apollo hoaxes 1 and 15, Mercury 5, Gemini 3) was a master luciferian-Freemason of Mitchell Lodge 228 Indiana; James Irwin (the last man to lie about walking on the “moon” in the Apollo 15 Hoax) was a luciferian-Freemason of Tejon Lodge 104 in Colorado Springs; Walter Schirra (Apollo 7 Hoax, Sigma 7, Gemini 6, Mercury 8) was a 33rd-degree luciferian-Freemason of Canaveral Lodge 339 in Florida; Thomas Stafford (Apollo hoaxes 10 and 18, Gemini 7 and 9) was a luciferian-Freemason of Western Star Lodge 138 in Oklahoma; Paul Weitz (Skylab 2, Challenger) was a luciferian-Freemason of Lawrence Lodge 708 in Pennsylvania; Neil Armstrong, Alan Shepard, William Pogue, Vance Brand, and Anthony England all had fathers who were luciferian-Freemasons too (because luciferian-Freemasonry is very big into bloodlines).;

  139. luciferian-Freemason Charles Taze Russell invented the Jehovah’s Witnesses and stated that the world would start to end on 2 Oct 1914. luciferian-Freemason Jack Parsons was born on 2 Oct 1914 and he founded Jack Parsons Laboratory (JPL, called Jet Propulsion Laboratory by the NAS-holes). Along with L Ron Hubbard (Scientology inventor), Parsons conducted the creepy “Babalon Working” rituals, designed to invoke the Thelemic goddess Babalon onto Earth. From all this, it seems very likely that the luciferians at the very top of the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. the English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild) intended Project Apollo Hoax as a psychological-operation to hoodwink humanity.;

  140. The NAS-holes appear to worship some kind of pagan god and, by pure “coincidence”, their chief logo includes a serpent’s tongue resembling a T so that their logo seems to spell out the word “satan”, or at least that is the overall impression. They are obviously working directly for the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. the English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild).;

  141. The name Apollo was chosen because it signifies “lucifer”. The UN flag also depicts the nations of the world encircled by the laurel of Apollo. Everyone knows the UN is a private corporation that was founded by dedicated luciferians who work directly for the UN’s owners, the London-NY-Axis.;

  142. The NAS-holes are regularly mocked as the “National Academy of Space Actors”, and also “No Astro-nuts Should Apply”. They have succeeded in a massive decades-long hoax where they have literally mooned the US and the whole world. Additionally, as further proof that the “cold war” was in fact staged and yet another total fraud, the Russians and Chinese have played along for decades with the fraudulent stories spewed by the NAS-holes, with nary a peep of contradiction out of them, and they continue to do so to this day. When was the last time these ostensible enemies (Russia or China) contradicted the official-truth spouted by the USA’s monopoly-media regarding anything, even false-flag attacks committed by regime-terrorists from the western mil-intel agencies? Or does the idea of Russia and China actually working together with the USA to corral the world’s populace into worldwide collectivist communism under the UN sound like such an “extraordinary coincidence” after all?;

  143. In 1969, Canadian TV stations cited stories from the Russian newspaper Pravda which stated that the USA had not in fact landed men on the moon.;

  144. In 1969, the whole Russian establishment knew for sure that the “moon” landings were faked. Some say the Russian communists blackmailed the Nixon regime for favors and, in return, volunteered to play along with the “moon” hoax. Too many facts confirm this. For instance, in late 1972, the USA sold one-quarter of its grain crop to communist Russia below the market price. Between 1969 and 1977, the Russians had the Lunokhod which could have easily inspected “moon” landing-sites to call the USA’s bluff on Project Apollo Hoax (or instead blackmail the USA which would have been much more profitable). Just a few Lunokhod photos of the “landing” sites the NAS-holes claimed would have done the trick.;

  145. In 1959, the NAS-holes had concluded from their own studies that the radiation levels were lethal on the moon. This corroborated Russian research since Russian scientists stated that, for a man to survive on the moon while being hit by radiation from solar and cosmic sources, he would have to be shielded by four feet of solid lead. This is more powerful evidence that Project Apollo Hoax was a psychological operation;

  146. The day after the Apollo 11 Hoax, Thomas Paine (who was head of the NAS-holes at the time) was heard telling intelligence officer Robert C Seamans that the Chinese were now alleging that the USA faked the mission with the aid of radio-communication signals bounced off the moon. If China (not yet experienced in space technology in 1969) knew that Apollo 11 had been a hoax, then it must be assumed that Russia knew even sooner.;

  147. On 18 Dec 1969, the New York Times, mouthpiece journal for Chatham-House-CFR, carried the article “A Moon Landing? What Moon Landing?” by science-reporter John Noble Wilford. This report suggested: “the Apollo 11 ‘moon’ walk last July was actually staged by Hollywood on a Nevada desert”.;

  148. On 15 Feb 2001, fake-news network Faux (sometimes stylized as Fox) created a headache for the NAS-holes by broadcasting the documentary “Did We Land on the Moon?”, which called Armstrong and Aldrin nothing but frauds and stooges for the US regime. It alleged the whole thing had been staged inside a film studio on a US military base in the Mojave Desert. Furthermore, it claimed the astro-nuts spent the entire “mission” in a film studio either at Area 51 in Nevada or at Norton Air Force Base in San Bernardino California, and were later dropped by parachute from a military transport plane over the Pacific.;

  149. From color films inside the spacecraft, we know that the NAS-holes brought a high-resolution color video camera with them for the Apollo 11 Hoax. So why did they “forget” to use it for what the NAS-holes billed as one of the greatest events in history? Was it because they felt that a poor low-definition monochrome film would look “more realistic”? Of course, a poor low-definition monochrome camera would also be better at concealing awkward details, such as actor wires or studio props, whereas a color film would have let the cat out of the bag that the NAS-holes had actually hoaxed it all. So was that why they left it aboard?;

  150. Why do the attitude-changes or rotations carried out by the lunatic-module (or its ascent stage) look so mechanical? And how come they occur so instantaneously? It all looks too much like “Thunderbirds”.;

  151. The monitored radio signals and data signals may have been transmitted from the Earth and reflected back by bouncing the signal off the moon. They may have been transmitted via a leased channel. Or they may have been transmitted from the Moonset Studio. If the NAS-holes really left such valuable equipment on the “moon”, then why did they stop using it, or why are they not still using it today? Why do the NAS-holes tell us they shut it down in the 1970s?;

  152. How come, in the Apollo-Hoax photographs, the shroud over the descent-engine of the lunatic-module looks as though it had never been heated above room temperature even though this shroud was designed to accept exhaust temperatures of up to 1482 degrees centigrade?;

  153. The NAS-holes tell us that the surface of the “moon” is very dry and dusty. But if that is the case, then why do those footprints show up so boldly? Dry and dusty should mean you put your boot in the sand and withdraw it to see nothing but sand and a minor cavity. The only surface that would leave footprints that crisp and clear would be damp sand or soil. But damp sand is simply not possible on the real moon, where the temperature of the surface is 130 degrees centigrade and the vacuum causes the boiling point of water to fall to below 20 degrees centigrade. It is axiomatic that water or dampness cannot exist on the real moon because it would boil away immediately when the sun got at it. The real moon is as dry as a desert and you simply cannot leave identifiable footprints no matter how damp your boots are. The damp footprints shown in Apollo Hoax photographs represent an enormous red flag that clearly indicates (or else proves) that the NAS-holes actually took all of their Apollo Hoax photographs on Earth.;

  154. Gravity on the moon is one-sixth that of on the Earth. This means that a fully equipped astro-nut in his spacesuit who weighs 400 pounds on Earth would weigh only about 65 pounds on the moon. But have you seen the depth of that footprint in the “moon” dust made by an astro-nut weighing 65 pounds equivalent? The moon has no water and it is extremely dry because the lunar surface temperature can reach 130 degrees centigrade. You simply could not get any of the moist footprints Project Apollo Hoax tried to sell to the public in so many photographs. These footprints look like they were made using Plaster Of Paris but first achieved by trial-and-error using some mixture of water and talcum powder.;

  155. How come one boot print was stepped on without its lines being distorted? Was it somehow set in stone or perhaps left a very long time ago? Did it perhaps belong to Robinson Crusoe?;

  156. The 1971 Bond movie “Diamonds are Forever” was significant because Ian Fleming was still alive and being kept abreast of developments by his own mil-intel contacts. In the movie, fictional MI6 tuxedo-assassin James Bond stumbles in on a private Moonset Studio that is faking a “moon” landing, featuring rounded “moon” rocks and astro-nuts moving too slow to catch Bond, who then smashes out of the studio in a moon buggy which just happens to be a cross between the lunatic-module and the lunatic-rover used in Project Apollo Hoax. Without doubt, this Bond scene is yet more whistle-blowing on a very grand scale.;

  157. During the original live broadcast in the state of Western Australia, viewers and newspapers there reported seeing a Coke bottle in the Apollo 11 “moon” dust. This was because Western Australia received a unique version of the live coverage not broadcast anywhere else. This was yet more proof of monkey business in Project Apollo Hoax.;

  158. The NAS-holes are the owners of Project Blue Beam and are being funded and helped in this endeavor by the UN and for the UN’s owners, the London-NY-Axis. The goal of this project is to implement a New Age religion. Some say that this project will attempt to simulate the Second Coming of Christ using undisclosed technology but that, in fact, the antichrist is to become the head of the new religion and that this will usher in yet another totalitarian “new world order”.;

  159. The NAS-holes shot numerous films on the “moon” during the Apollo 17 Hoax, but none of those films show Harrison Schmitt at “Tracy’s Rock”. But the most popular still-photograph of the whole Apollo 17 Hoax was Schmitt at “Tracy’s Rock”. So did Eugene Cernan decide to switch off or not use his TV-camera at “Tracy’s Rock”? This was another continuity error that badly embarrassed the NAS-holes. It was caused by discrepancies between the film shot by the TV-camera and the still-photos shot using the Hasselblad 500. The NAS-holes overlooked this blunder and decided to again try their “No Comment” routine.;

  160. Despite numerous photos being taken on the surface of the “moon”, not one of them shows the Earth in the void of space. The famous “Earthrise” photograph was not taken from the surface of the “moon” and it is a clear fake attributed to astro-nut William Anders during the Apollo 8 Hoax, in which the NAS-holes claim that, in Dec 1968, one of their “Thunderbirds”-like deepfreezes circled the “moon”. The absence of one single photo of the Earth from the “moon” would appear to be very poor planning on the part of the NAS-holes because most earthlings would have loved to have seen one such photo, which would have become an enormous hit;

  161. In the 1990s, thousands of computer users examined the “Earthrise” photograph in Adobe Photoshop. By simply increasing the exposure level, they could clearly see that the NAS-holes had actually pasted a rectangular “Earth” poster onto the background of their 1968 photo to make a composite, thus proving that not even the celebrated “Earthrise” photo had been genuine. Anyone is welcome to adjust the exposure level and prove this for himself, i.e. prove that the NAS-holes were always a bunch of crooks.;

  162. It has proved an acute embarrassment to the NAS-holes that the famous “Earthrise” photograph also had a massive sizing error. Over the decades, thousands of experts have pointed out that the Earth seen from the “moon” should be at least four times bigger in the sky than the moon seen from Earth. Heedlessly, the NAS-holes never thought to show a bigger Earth in their faked “Earthrise” photo or in the faked “Earth-view with cardboard-crescent-insert” which the three Apollo-11-Hoax astro-nuts were caught filming on 18, 19 and 20 July 1969 (as shown in “A Funny Thing Happened On The Way To The Moon” dated 2001).;

  163. Nowadays, many photos of the Earth released by the NAS-holes show obvious copy-and-paste jobs, with the exact same cloud pattern repeating multiple times over the oceans. So if the NAS-holes can so easily fake pictures of Earth, how hard would it be for them to fake pictures of other planets? If you photograph the underside of your frying pan, you might make a better picture of “Jupiter” than the NAS-holes could. The NAS-holes are Photoshop specialists who love blurring or else hiding objects from existing images, creating fake galaxies and stars, and of course producing movies of events that never even happened.;

  164. The NAS-holes provided one image of “Jupiter” in 2014 and another in 2016. They had added CGI auroras to the north pole of the 2016 “Jupiter”, but they forgot to change the cloud-cover over the entire planet. So were the NAS-holes really claiming that the clouds had not moved one inch in over two years? Or are the NAS-holes really running an intelligence test to see which earthlings are clever enough to spot their hoaxes? Regrettably, it seems that, only a minority of earthlings manages to catch on and pass this test.;

  165. The NAS-holes recently published a video purporting to be of the “moon” passing by the Earth. But how could a tiny camera 1.3 million miles away from the Earth take a perfect series of photos of the Earth spinning at 1000 MPH and orbiting the sun at 66,600 MPH without a single shift in position? The clouds on Earth did not move. The “moon” failed to cast any shadow on the Earth’s surface. And there was not a single star in sight. Clearly, the NAS-holes were pulling yet another hoax. But who spotted it?;

  166. Neil Armstrong’s sister, Natasha Armstrong-Warner, stated that Armstrong only went to the “moon” when he was high on the LSD that the NAS-holes gave him.;

  167. Astro-nut Neil Armstrong actually refused the NAS-holes permission to release any of the still-photographs of him on the “moon”. This is because Armstrong had a conscience and did not approve of scamming the public with pictures really taken in the Moonset Studio.;

  168. In his later years, astro-nut Neil Armstrong suffered from mental illness and was notorious for his helpless reclusiveness. He clearly felt guilty about having put his name to one of the biggest hoaxes in history. He may also have become paranoid by the overwhelming number of websites exposing him as a liar. Was Armstrong buried at sea because he feared someone might tamper with his grave (had it been on land)?;

  169. In 1994, on the 25th anniversary of the Apollo 11 Hoax, Neil Armstrong made a cryptic speech at the White House in which he stated: “There are great ideas undiscovered, breakthroughs available to those who can remove one of truth’s protective layers“. Clearly, he was hoping the US regime would soon tell the truth about Project Apollo Hoax because that might encourage people who had lost hope due to the hoax.;

  170. On 9 Sep 2002, Buzz Aldrin was lured to a Beverly Hills hotel on the pretext of being interviewed for a TV show on the subject of space. When he arrived, Bart Sibrel and a film crew accosted him and demanded he swear on the Bible that the “moon” landings were not faked, insisting that Aldrin and others had lied about walking on the moon. Aldrin was forced to refuse because he knew that the “moon” landings had been hoaxed and that Sibrel was right. After a brief confrontation, in which Sibrel called Aldrin “a coward and a liar, and a thief”, Aldrin punched Sibrel in the jaw, which was caught on camera by Sibrel’s film crew. Aldrin’s unwillingness to swear was more evidence he never went to the “moon”. The majority of astro-nuts to whom Sibrel gave the same challenge refused to swear on the Bible that they walked on the “moon”.;

  171. In Bart Sibrel’s 2004 documentary “Astro-nuts Gone Wild”, Buzz Aldrin is again cornered by Sibrel. But when Aldrin could not think of any good reply to Sibrel, he just states: “You are talking to the wrong guy. Why don’t you speak to head of the NAS-holes? We were just passengers, we were guys going on a flight”. This sounded so very much like the classic “only-following-orders” or “only-doing-my-job” excuse. But attentive viewers could spot that Aldrin was making an implicit admission that all the Apollo missions had indeed been hoaxed and that the decision to do so had been taken at the very top.;

  172. Rumor had it that Apollo 12 astro-nut Pete Conrad wanted to go public about the faked “moon” landings on the thirtieth anniversary of the Apollo 11 Hoax in 1999. But, by pure “coincidence”, Conrad was killed in a motorcycle accident only days before the anniversary.;

  173. In later life, Apollo-15-Hoax astro-nut James Irwin became a born-again Christian. Lee Galvani asked Irwin to tell the truth about Project Apollo Hoax, and gradually made some inroads into Irwin’s conscience. Irwin contacted Bill Kaysing but, during the phone-call, Irwin told Kaysing to call him at home that coming Friday in Colorado Springs because their line might be tapped. When Kaysing called Irwin, he learned that Irwin had died of a “heart attack” that Thursday, one day prior to his returning the call.;

  174. World celebrity Uri Geller said that NAS-holes “crudely faked” all the Apollo “moon” photographs.;

  175. Astro-nut Dr Brian O’Leary stated: “Regarding Apollo, I cannot say 100 percent for sure whether these men walked on the moon”. He also commented: “If some of the film was spoiled, it is remotely possible that the NAS-holes may have shot some scenes in a studio environment to avoid embarrassment”. These are major statements because they come from an astro-nut who worked on the Apollo 11 “mission”.;

  176. There are some serious indications that the NAS-holes actually based their whole Apollo Hoax Program on the popular song “It’s Only A Paper Moon”, published in 1933 (with music by Harold Arlen, lyrics by Yip Harburg and Billy Rose). In the Apollo Hoax Simulator, James Lovell was reading from a prewritten script when he described the “moon” as being: “essentially gray, no color, looks like Plaster Of Paris, like dirty beach-sand with lots of footprints in it”. But just after Lovell mentions Plaster Of Paris, Michael Collins is plainly and distinctively seen to smirk. Collins’s smirk is a clear indication that the NAS-holes had built their “moon”-scape from just what Lovell was describing. In reality, Plaster Of Paris is the favorite material used by NAS-holes to create fake “moon”-scapes for later photographs and films of the surface of the “moon”.;

  177. During the 1986 commission on the Challenger space-shuttle disaster, the eminent physicist Richard Feynman found that the analysis, claims and methodology given by the NAS-holes were consistently incorrect. In a lengthy paper, Feynman made several observations that seem remarkably applicable to the NAS-holes of 1969 too. He wrote that the NAS-holes “exaggerate the reliability of their product to the point of fantasy” and stated that the NAS-holes “owe it to the citizens from whom they ask support, to be frank, honest and informative. And so that these citizens can make the wisest decisions for the use of their limited resources for a successful technology, reality must take precedence over public relations; because nature cannot be fooled”. This was so embarrassing to the NAS-holes that they relegated it to a mere appendix within the Challenger commission’s final report. One thing Feynman actually failed to highlight was the even bigger lie that astro-nuts had actually died in the Challenger, as the NAS-holes claimed.;

  178. During Project Apollo Hoax, the NAS-holes claimed to have landed six out of seven COMPLEX “manned” craft on the “moon”, thus claiming an 86 percent success-rate. After Project Apollo Hoax, twenty-five SIMPLE unmanned craft were sent to Mars but only seven succeeded, i.e. a lower but much more realistic 28 percent success-rate. How likely is it that the USA, a country whose people seem to really crave happy endings, wanted so badly for Project Apollo Hoax to succeed that US citizens were willing to swallow the entire lie hook, line and sinker just because President Kennedy had wished it to into reality?;

  179. Project Apollo Hoax had simply too many things which could have gone wrong. Apollo consisted of millions of individual components, all of which had to function perfectly. In addition, there had to be eighty particular distinct operations or segments. In other words, the booster had to separate from the command-capsule, the lunatic-module had to be turned around and connected to the command-capsule etc. All kinds of things had to happen, and happen with perfect timing. But we all know that in reality Murphy’s Law applies. Using the mathematics of probability, if five things must go right and each of them has a 64 percent probability of succeeding, then the probability of all five going right is only around 10 percent. That is reality. And that is why Project Apollo Hoax could never have happened in reality. Furthermore, the probability of six separate missions bringing all the astro-nuts back has to qualify as extremely slight. And that is why all people who have passed the “Project Apollo Hoax Intelligence Test” know it was all just a big movie.;

  180. In Aug 1987, space-shuttle astro-nut Sally Ride wrote a report titled “Leadership and America’s Future in Space” stating that IF the NAS-holes were given enormous funding, then they would be able to land men on the moon by 2010. This is yet more indication that Project Apollo Hoax never even went near the moon. The NAS-holes were basically admitting that they needed another 23 years to get men on the “moon” for the seventh time, and yet they claimed they had gotten men to the “moon” six times after JFK calling for it.;

  181. In 1999, prominent NAS-hole Douglas Cooke, director of the explorations office at Houston’s Johnson Space Center, stated that he hoped the NAS-holes would make it to the moon by 2100. Cooke was again emphasizing how really difficult it is to land men on the moon and, of course, was implicitly admitting that the NAS-holes had actually lied about ever having gotten any astro-nut past the VARB in the first place.;

  182. In the course of Flight Test 1 of the Orion multi-purpose crew vehicle launched on 5 Dec 2014, the NAS-holes inadvertently divulged that they had in fact never gotten any further than Low Earth Orbit.;

  183. A BellCom insider who worked for the NAS-holes stated: “We lied about EVERYTHING; none of it was true”.;

  184. In 2015, Terry Virts, a top astro-nut for the NAS-holes and a commander for the “ISS” stated: “Right now we can only fly in Earth Orbit, that is the farthest that we can go. This new system that we are building is going to allow us to go beyond and hopefully take humans into the solar system to explore, to the moon, to Mars, asteroids, there are a lot of destinations that we could go to and we’re building these building-block components in order to allow us to do that eventually”. This was yet more proof that the NAS-holes had lied about Project Apollo Hoax ever putting men on the “moon”. It is also an indication that the NAS-holes may be in the course of making a very gradual admission that Project Apollo Hoax was just a lie. If they make statements like these every few weeks for a decade, then even retards will finally pass the “Project Apollo Hoax Intelligence Test”. Naturally, the same retards will later claim “I always KNEW it was a hoax”.;

  185. In the “ISS”, the NAS-holes are regularly caught wearing scuba tanks and snorkels in the “ISS” coverage they themselves release. This has led many investigators to ask why the NAS-holes needed equipment to stop them from drowning, and whether they were faking the “ISS” (dubbed international swimming station) using facilities on Earth? Suspiciously, the female NAS-holes all perm their hair vertically to “simulate” zero gravity, except that the perms go horizontal when they look down, divulging the swindle. Suspiciously, no necklace ever goes vertical like the faked perms. Insiders have confirmed that the NAS-holes are only able to simulate zero gravity for a maximum of 30 to 40 seconds. A lot of evidence has surfaced indicating that the NAS-holes are using computer-generated imagery (CGI), green-screens, harnesses and a nice big swimming pool to fake the “ISS”. The NAS-holes actually make “space walks” in the Neutral Buoyancy Laboratory near Johnson Space Center Houston, but they claim this is “for test purposes only” (a likely tale when we all know what dirty liars the NAS-holes are). Normal airplanes reach zero gravity over 33,000 feet so the NAS-holes also use this trick to fake or “simulate” the “ISS”.;

  186. On live TV, astro-nut Chris Cassidy accidentally admitted that the NAS-holes were currently filming the “ISS” from a plane flying above the USA (“… across the United States from where we are talking to you right now”).;

  187. The NAS-holes published a picture of the “ISS” taken from 250 miles above the Earth’s surface. But they also inadvertently published the background photo onto which they had pasted the image of the “ISS”. The latter background photo was proven to have been taken from only 6 miles above the Earth’s surface. Hence, critics of the NAS-holes had discovered more fakery. This was one of the very many occasions when the NAS-holes themselves proved that the NAS-holes were lying and that most NAS-holes are liars.;

  188. The NAS-holes have failed to properly explain the sound of roaring jet engines clearly audible in all full-motion scenes filmed inside the “ISS”. Could it be that airplane again?;

  189. Whenever a space-shuttle landed, the sound of roaring jet engines was clearly audible. But the NAS-holes always failed to properly explain this. Many skeptics have pointed out that the space-shuttle was just some kind of glorified jet airliner. The whole space-shuttle story may well have been smoke and mirrors too.;

  190. The NAS-holes released their “Official Earth Image 2012” but South America was missing from it, maybe they had accidentally airbrushed it out. This resulted in severe criticism, prompting the NAS-holes to resize the continents and make really sure that South America was visible on their “Official Earth Image 2013”. Would the NAS-holes please explain how a whole continent could disappear and reappear and how they expect the public to believe any of their composite CGI photos are real? The internet regularly calls out the NAS-holes on this, yelling “Make Up Your Mind!” because the “Official Earth Image” released by the NAS-holes has changed so frequently, but also so ridiculously, since 1975.;

  191. In 2015, the NAS-holes published the first high-resolution pictures of their “fly-past of dwarf-planet Pluto”. But there was uproar when people spotted the clear outline of the Disney dog Pluto in the photograph, superimposed on the surface of the “planet”. Was this because white-hats among the NAS-holes were again trying hard to reveal the truth to the public? O’Bomber congratulated the NAS-holes on their “historic achievement”, but he may well have only been referring to the effectiveness of their scam.;

  192. The NAS-holes actually admit that all their photos are composites, with the excuse that they “have to be” composites in order to capture each section of the Earth (or other planet in question). Today in 2017, the NAS-holes claim to possess advanced technologies, but they still do not even have ONE real photograph of the whole Earth or ONE real video of the whole Earth. How can that be? Is it perhaps because the NAS-holes have something to hide?;

  193. The NAS-holes have failed to explain why, using Google Earth, several of their “Mars rovers” have been spotted driving across the Arizona desert making movies and taking photos. This has got to be the biggest joke of the century but the monopoly-media somehow fail to call the NAS-holes out on this giant scam. Clearly, the monopoly-media’s job is just to parrot the official-truth narrative (copy-and-paste “journalism”).;

  194. In his “Bad Astronomy” blog, Phil Plait wrote: “In a sense, the astro-nuts were truly risking their lives to go to the ‘moon’ because solar flares are not predictable”.;

  195. Proper scientists and proper astronomers around the world know well that man has never been to the moon and that Project Apollo Hoax was a total fake. But these proper scientists and proper astronomers must keep their mouths shut because they rely on the NAS-holes to gain access to the vital data beamed back to Earth from satellites in outer-space. That is why they are scared to death of publicly chiding or denouncing the NAS-holes since they fear being deprived of this essential data which they are clearly so dependent on. It is high time that this monopoly over the whole “space” narrative was ended.;

  196. The deployment of the number 11 for the first “landing” on the “moon” was a real giveaway that luciferian-Freemasons (who are addicted to numerology) were running a hoax because they were reusing number eleven, which is generally reserved for psychological operations. The London-NY-Axis reused the number eleven for many of its contrived events like the WW1 armistice (taking effect at the eleventh hour, on the eleventh day and the eleventh month in 1918), the Apollo 11 Hoax, or for its terror attacks against humanity e.g. 11 Sept 01 in NYC, 11 Mar 04 in Madrid (exactly 911 days later) and 11 Mar 11 in Fukushima (John Lear stated that there was no 9.0 earthquake prior to the disaster because all tall buildings and spires are still standing in all photographs, but that a unidirectional “tsunami”, that never went in the direction of the US coast, was triggered by Rothschild-Zionist Mossad which detonated a nuke in the ocean about 80 km north-east of the power plant so as to trigger the unidirectional “tsunami”, and that Mossad also altered the security-controls so that none of the emergency systems would work).;

  197. Although Nixon was president while Project Apollo Hoax was running, he was not directly responsible, even though he did know, or should have known, it was faked. The planning and preparation into faking the “moon” landing began in the early 1960s, and hence Lyndon B Johnson was the president with the most inside knowledge of Project Apollo Hoax. Johnson classified many Apollo documents until 2026.;

  198. The NAS-holes have scammed the public for decades. On 8 Dec 1990, the NAS-holes claimed their Galileo spacecraft had accomplished an “Earth flyby” except that the footage published by the NAS-holes was easily proved a poor fake because the alleged “twenty-five-hour footage” of a spinning Earth actually featured no cloud movement whatsoever for the entire twenty-five-hour period.;

  199. The NAS-holes have come under increasing attack over the past decade and many major insiders have called them out on their continual fakery. Wild claims by the NAS-holes include those regarding the atmosphere of Venus and the hundreds of lies they have told regarding the Earth, moon and solar system. Prominent NAS-hole Neil Disgraced Tyson still cannot make up his mind whether the Earth is spherical, or oblate, or pear-shaped. It is really time for some truth here. So would the NAS-holes please supply the very first genuine photo of the whole Earth and the very first evidence they went to the moon?;

  200. The US General Accounting Office concluded that the NAS-holes had rigged tests during the Star Wars missile-defense program to make it seem more advanced than it really was. The excuse the NAS-holes tried to give for this scandal was that it was designed to fool the Russians about US military readiness, so that their fakery was thus justified, they claimed. But surely now, decades after the staged “cold war” was ended by the London-NY-Axis, it is high time for the NAS-holes to just fess up?;

  201. The NAS-holes take a “No Comment” approach whenever requested to put good ideas into action. The corrupt monopoly-media allow the NAS-holes to get away with scamming the public for their enormous budget. It is a case of fraud when this budget only gets invested in deceiving the backers themselves. The people need to demand some truth, both from the NAS-holes and from the monopoly-media.;

  202. In late 2016, the NAS-holes were caught faking “space” at Boise State University in Idaho.;

  203. Nowadays, many mil-intel whistleblowers, some even NAS-holes themselves, openly admit that the great NAS-hole motto of the 1960s was indeed: “If We Can’t Make It, We’ll Fake It”.;

  204. In reality, there was no “eagle”. The turkey never even left Earth, let alone land on the “moon” or take off again. In reality, the NAS-holes pulled off one of the biggest canards of the twentieth century.;

  205. None of the spacecraft of Project Apollo Hoax went to the moon. The NAS-holes only improved their skill at staging the very same hoax over and over as they went along. The movie for the Apollo 12 Hoax, simulcast on 19 Nov 1969, only achieved low ratings among American TV viewers, so the NAS-holes needed a publicity stunt for the Apollo 13 Hoax, so as to keep tax dollars flowing into their fraudulent scam. That explains the totally contrived life-and-death story for the Apollo 13 Hoax which allegedly featured astro-nuts acting on “live radio”. The NAS-holes wanted to “encourage” the public to take going to the “moon” more seriously, and to get them to reconnect with the “drama” of the entire phony narrative.;

  206. The first time the line “Houston, We Have A Problem” was spoken during Project Apollo Hoax was during Apollo 13. The reason is because Stan Kubrick wrote both the Apollo 13 Hoax script for the NAS-holes and the script for his own “2001; A Space Odyssey”. It is in very similar circumstances that these words get spoken in both scripts. By pure “coincidence”, the line “Houston, We Have A Problem” from the Apollo 13 Hoax script was timed to the 13th hour of the 13th day of the 13th Apollo hoax. The name of this mission featured 13, the occult number for sacrifice, the phoenix (or eagle), death and rebirth. Another similarity between the two movies was that the craft in the Apollo 13 movie had very similar damage to that of the Odyssey in the “2001” movie. It was said to have been caused by an exploding oxygen tank. Clearly, Stan Kubrick had gotten very sloppy by repeating the same screenplay;

  207. The motto “Houston, We Have A Problem” remains on the lips of all NAS-holes to this day. The real motto the NAS-holes retain is “For The Benefit Of All”. To which you might ask: “All What?”. To which they might answer: “For The Benefit Of All NAS-holes”.;

  208. The official-truth narrative for Apollo 13 states that Fred Haise could see the Fra Mauro highlands on 15 Apr 1970. But the Fra Mauro highlands were in total darkness at that time so Fred Haise could not have seen them. In other words, Fra Mauro was on the dark side of the moon on 15 Apr 1970. Hence, the NAS-holes were lying and the whole Apollo 13 Hoax really was based on that script written by Stan Kubrick.;

  209. It is very likely that many aspects of the Saturn V story were copied from Fritz Lang’s 1929 movie “Frau Im Mond” (on which rocket scientist Hermann Oberth worked as an advisor long before he joined the NAS-holes). For Project Apollo Hoax, the appearance of the “moon” surface seems to have been directly copied from Lang’s movie. Lang also accused the NAS-holes of stealing his “10, 9, 8 …” blast-off sequence for its highly dramatic effect. In reality, the NAS-holes have only ever been in the movie business.;

  210. Websites exposing the Apollo Hoax, i.e. disclosing that the NAS-holes clearly faked the “moon” landings, now far outnumber the untrue “Apollogist” propaganda websites that claim that humans actually landed on the “moon”. But the latter websites still fail worse than the NAS-holes at providing any credible evidence. If you believe the NAS-holes went to the “moon”, then please be prepared to prove this scientifically without relying on the statement “because the NAS-holes told me so”. The NAS-holes have lost all their credibility so it is now really time to stop relying on them.;

  211. In 2017, the NAS-holes still do not have the technology to land humans on the moon and return them safely. This may be possible in the future, but such a feat is still many, many decades away.;

  212. The NAS-holes had not perfected any lunar landing craft in time for the Apollo 11 Hoax on 20 Jul 1969. In 2017, over 48 years after Apollo was supposed to have done just that, the NAS-holes are still trying to get a rocket to land and take off again. On 20 Jul 2019, on the fiftieth anniversary of the Apollo 11 Hoax, will the NAS-holes and the US regime finally alter the official-truth narrative and concede it was all a hoax?;

  213. For too long, the NAS-holes were guided by bosses who countered any objections on credibility grounds with statements like “We’ll Keep Telling The Public That Such-And-Such Is True Until They Believe Us”. But this particular “Wash-Rinse-Repeat” approach stopped working at least two decades ago.;

  214. The true facts surrounding all Apollo missions are as follows: Apollo 8 did 92 Earth orbits; Apollo 10 did 121 Earth orbits; Apollo 11 did 123 Earth orbits; Apollo 12 did 154 Earth orbits; Apollo 13 did 90 Earth orbits (and all its so-called life-and-death problems really occurred in Earth Orbit); Apollo 14 did 136 Earth orbits (without Alan Shepard on board); Apollo 15 did 186 Earth orbits; Apollo 16 did 168 Earth orbits; and finally Apollo 17 did 191 Earth orbits. In reality, the NAS-holes only used Project Apollo Hoax to lengthen the time that astro-nuts could spend in Earth Orbit, with a view to constructing a space-station, however they conned the world into believing they were landing on the “moon” too. This is confirmed by the mission duration times, both before and after Project Apollo Hoax. The last Gemini mission prior to Apollo did 59 Earth orbits in 94.5 hours. After the final Apollo Earth orbit (by Apollo 17), Skylab 2 (launched in May 1973) did 404 Earth orbits in 672 hours before crashing back to Earth. The real job of Project Apollo Hoax was to scam US taxpayers but at the same time bridge the gap between Gemini’s 59 Earth orbits and Skylab’s 404 Earth orbits.;

  215. If the NAS-holes keep claiming that “Thunderbirds” is real by dressing up their pure nonsense in complex or pompous language, then are you really going to keep buying their swindle willingly? Or when exactly do you propose to shout Enough Is Enough? When do you propose to finally pass the “Project Apollo Hoax Intelligence Test” set for you by these NAS-holes?;

  216. Perhaps the NAS-holes regret never running any of Project Apollo Hoax on April First. If they had, at least they could have claimed it had been intended all along as an April Fool joke.;

  217. The amount of time, money and work invested by official-truth websites maintained by regime-terror agencies such as the CIA, NSA, Rothschild-Zionist Mossad indicates that the power-elite and the London-NY-Axis (the Beast [i.e. English monarch], the City of London and the House of Rothschild) really need the faked official-truth narrative for Project Apollo Hoax to remain standing. But why, when so many people already know the truth? It also demonstrates how much caution and skepticism needs to be exercised by consumers in general when reading such websites. The fact that official-truth websites like WickedPedia are lying so much proves that they are no different to fake-news outlets and must be ignored, except by those wanting to find undeniable details such as the area of Canada. But ordinary consumers need to take everything official-truth websites tell them with a very large dose of salt.;

  218. Today, if you search Google for site: moon hoax, you will find over 600,000 websites devoted to exposing Project Apollo Hoax. So why does a majority of people in English-speaking countries still believe the NAS-holes? Because they’re kept in their ignorance by the monopoly-media, or else they choose to be ignorant, or else they just really don’t care.;

  219. In 1999, the Red Hot Chili Peppers released the apt lyric: “Space May Be The Final Frontier But It’s Made In A Hollywood Basement”, probably penned by lyricist Anthony Kiedis. Considering the hundreds of lies told by the NAS-holes, this fine lyric may well be right on the money.;

  220. A group called the Elders Of Zion released the song “Masonic Moon” satirizing Stan Kubrick and the NAS-holes for Project Apollo Hoax.;

  221. Many events in history were faked, more than most people care to remember. Footage of the 1906 San Francisco earthquake was faked, as was footage of the 1915 sinking of the Lusitania. During WW1, they produced films showing German soldiers spearing Belgian babies, with National Geographic magazine actually giving presentations on the subject. Hollywood filmed many fighting scenes in WW1 and WW2 because in real war nothing really happens and that would be very boring for the viewing audience. The “cold war” was staged largely for profit, whereas the wars in Korea and Vietnam were unnecessary except for the profits they gave to the S&P War Economy. So why would it ever be hard to believe that Project Apollo Hoax, much smaller by comparison to some other major events, was faked too?;

  222. New word definition: Those who believe the Apollo lunatic-module or lunatic-rover were real might be classified as total lunatics.;

  223. Another slogan might read “Apollogists” Beware: Truth Is Like A Steamroller, It Can Run Right Over You.;

  224. The NAS-holes forgot to cast the Clangers waving to the “Thunderbirds”-like lunatic-module as it arrived like the very first voyage to the Americas. The presence of the Clangers might have added solid weight to the credibility of Project Apollo Hoax because of the huge human interest the Clangers would have prompted as they greeted the astro-nuts just like the Native Americans welcoming Christopher Columbus.;

  225. Now that you know much more about how deceitful the NAS-holes are, do you still believe they are real scientists, or do you now believe they are a bunch of NAS-holes? If you have not already passed the “Project Apollo Hoax Intelligence Test” set for you by a bunch of NAS-holes, is it not high time you did?;

  226. The top dishonest professions include reporters of ill-repute (meaning TV and noose-paper reporters for the monopoly-media), lawyers (total liars), advertising agents, politicians, car salesmen, lobbyists and of course NAS-holes. Nowadays, one of the openers most people easily discern as being totally dishonest is: “Trust Me, I’m A NAS-hole!”.

ALIENS, GOD & THE BIBLE – A New Book by Rev. Dr. Joel Curtis Graves

Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. of Atglen, PA, would like to introduce you to our newest book:

Aliens, God, and the Bible:

A Theological Speculative Study of the Bible’s Alien Mysteries

 This remarkable book hwill help you bridge the “Christian religion-Science gap” as The Reverend Doctor Joel Graves explores what the Bible says, what it means, and what it might mean—especially in the near future.

This theological speculative study of the Bible takes the reader into the nature of the universe and how it works scientifically, the problem with evolution, the Neanderthal, Sasquatch, even the presence of space aliens and where they come from.

The Bible describes a great starship—1,380 miles to each side—on its way to Earth: learn about the size, composition, method of travel, possible purposes, and most importantly, when it will arrive. Discover the great war between ancient alien factions—who they are, where they came from, their future plans, and the role of humans caught in the middle.

Examine the mysteries, facts, clues, and allusions found in the world, but especially in the Bible.

Size: 6″ x 9″ | 31 color images | 192 pp
ISBN13: 978-0-7643-5356-7 | Binding: soft cover | $17.99


About the Author

The Rev. Dr. Joel Curtis Graves is an Anglican priest in the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA). In his new book, Aliens, God & The Bible, Dr. Graves tackles some of the Bible’s hardest questions and shares ideas about ancient alien factions and how/why things have happened in the Bible from Genesis to Revelation.

Joel Graves has been theologically minded since a youth and attended Trinity School for Ministry in Ambridge, Pennsylvania.

After a long break, he finished seminary at Faith Evangelical Lutheran Seminary, Tacoma, Washington, where he earned his Master of Divinity and Doctor of Ministry in Leadership. 

Joel served as a hospital and hospice chaplain before starting an Anglican church in Lacey, Washington, from which he retired in 2012.  He has been married to Rena for over 40 years, and loves to paint, read, write, golf, go to the movies, spoil the grand-kids, and travel.

For review copies or media and interview requests, please contact:

Meghan Schaffer

About the Publisher

Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. is a family-owned, independent publisher of high-quality books.

Since 1974, Schiffer has published thousands of titles on the diverse subjects that fuel our readers’ passions.  From our traditional subjects of antiques and collectibles, arts and crafts, and military history, Schiffer has expanded its catalog to publish books on contemporary art and artists; architecture and design; food and entertaining; the metaphysical, paranormal and folklore; and pop and fringe culture, as well as books for children.

Visit to explore our backlist of more than 5,800 titles.

For more information or to request a review copy or interview the author, please contact Meghan Schaffer at 610.593.1777 or

To receive regular announcements about new releases from Schiffer Publishing, sign up for our e-newsletter.


Meghan Schaffer
Marketing Coordinator
Schiffer Publishing, Ltd | 4880 Lower Valley Rd. | Atglen, PA 19310 | 610.593.1777
Digital Catalogs


“The New Germany And The Old Nazis” by T.H.TETENS

The New Germany And The Old Nazis”        The Full text by T.H. Tetens


A frank and Often shocking account which details how “Hitler’s own” have managed Ec return to power in almost every walk af German life — including the foreign office, the court & the police  – T.H.TETENS



More than a decade after World War II the infamous crimes of the Third Reich still haunt the world. Now a new Germany has emerged. Its unrivaled energy has already made it one of the most powerful states in Europe.

What kind of country is this new Germany?

Is Nazism “dead and buried” as James B. Conant, our former ambassador to Bonn, believes?

Has Germany really changed?

If so, where are the hundreds of thousands who once faithfully and eagerly served Hitler’s reign of terror?

And what is life like today for the Jews who are still in Germany ?

The answers to these questions will shock most Americans.  Many Nazis have returned to power— in almost every walk of German life.

THE NEW GERMANY AND THE OLD NAZIS is based on thousands of news stories and court records, most of them of German origin.  Naming names— including Adenauer’s top aide, Hans Globke — it documents in detail the dangerous resurgence of Nazism and anti-Semitism in the “new” Germany.  It describes notorious instances of anti-Semitism, such as the Zind case— and the German reaction to it; it tells of the current activities of the Nazi SS; it reveals former Nazi officials who hold important positions in the present German government; it exposes former Nazi criminals and shows how they have been protected ; it outlines the present plans of the underground Nazi party ; and it presents the shameful record of Hitler’s judges who still sit on the bench.

As West Germany’s position in the cold war becomes more crucial, it is important to understand its aims and ambitions.

This outspoken book looks behind the official facade of Adenauer’s Germany.  What it discloses is of vital importance to every American.

– Book cover text from RANDOM HOUSE, INC. 457 Madison Avenue, New York 22, New York Publishers of The American College Dictionary and The Modern Library





By T. H. Tetens

T. H. Tetens Random House New York FIRST PRINTING © Copyright, 1961, by T. H. Tetens All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published in New York by Random House, Inc., and simultaneously in Toronto, Canada, by Random House of Canada, Limited. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 61-7240

Manufactured in the United States of America by H. Wolff, New York

PART ONE The Legacy of Hitler 1 Return of the Native ) 2 The Zind Case 9 3 “Nazism Is Dead and Buried” 19 4 The Plotters 24 PART TWO Germany Today 5 The Hidden Enemy 57 6 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles 56″ 7 The Termites 71 8 The Honorable SS 8j 9 Old Soldiers Never Die . . . 106 10 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland 11 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin” 140 12 The Other Germany 153 PART THREE Moral Insanity 13 Nazis in the Courts 165 14 “Bureaucracy of Murder” ij6 15 From the Rogues’ Gallery 100 16 The Heroes Come Home . . . /07 17 Villains and Victims 210 18 The Lost Generation 221 PART FOUR Image and Reality 19 Behind the Adenauer Facade 235 20 A Dependable Ally? 244 21 “A Policy of Calculated Risk” 252 References 259 Index 27/


The Legacy of Hitler

1 Return of the Native

It was long after sunset on the evening of April 23, 1957, when Kurt Lieser, a textile dealer, left one of the drab buildings in the business section of the south German town of Offenburg, in the foothills of the Black Forest.

Herr Lieser — a slight man, past forty, but still young looking— paused a few moments to inhale the fresh spring air. Then at a leisurely pace he set out toward Bismarckstrasse, Offenburg’s lively main street.  The mild evening had brought out the crowd.  Young people chatted gaily, and stuffy middle-class burghers strolled with measured steps past the neon-lighted, chrome-blinking show windows of the department stores and specialty shops.

Here and there friends greeted each other with a loud and hearty “Guten Abend!”

As he walked along Bismarckstrasse, Kurt Lieser recognized people who thirty years before had been his classmates and playmates.  Today they passed like strangers, and their rebuffs brought back the bitter realization that he could never again be an accepted Offenburger.

As a “non-Aryan” he had once been driven away by the Nazis, and when he had miraculously returned alive from a concentration camp, he had not been readmitted to the community.  The people of Offenburg still regarded him as a Zugereister — a newcomer to the town.

Kurt Lieser was pleased that the long and strenuous day was behind him.  Out-of-town customers had kept him at the office much later than usual, and he had told his wife not to wait dinner for him; he would take his evening meal in a restaurant and relax with a glass of beer.  As he walked down to the newspaper kiosk at the railroad station, where he always bought his favorite out-of-town paper, he had time to decide where to eat.  He had a choice of the Bahnhof Restaurant, the Weinstube, or the meeting place of the town’s upper crust, the Zaehringer Hof.  The food at the Bahnhof Restaurant was not to his liking and the place was ungemuetlich — it just didn’t have the homey atmosphere that a German is accustomed to.

The Weinstube radiated real warmth, but unfortunately Kurt Lieser was not welcome there.  He had never seemed to receive the attention and friendly service given the other patrons.  And complaints, he knew, would be useless.  He would probably be told that he could go elsewhere if he was dissatisfied.  Thus the choice was made simple for him.  The Zaehringer Hof was a fine place, their Schnitzel a la Holstein was excellent, and the wine and the Muenchner Dunkel were of superb quality.

Herr Lieser found a place at a table where a local businessman and his wife were just finishing their dinner. After a short time they left with stiff formality.

It was quite a while before the waiter came to take his order, but Lieser was accustomed to that.  The meal was good, and afterward he relaxed comfortably over his newspaper with a beer before him.  He had just glanced over the headlines on the front page when another guest appeared at his table.  Herr Lieser recognized the man at once.  He was Ludwig Pankratz Zind — Herr Studienrat Zind — a teacher.  Standing straight and trim, Zind rattled the customary German formality: “Gestatten?”

5 Return of the Native

Kurt Lieser nodded a friendly invitation, but he got not the  slightest response from the new diner. While Zind slowly moved his chair into position, his eyes wandered searchingly over the crowd, and several times he made a slight formal bow to friends sitting nearby. As a teacher at the Grimmelshausen Gymnasium, a school “devoted to the humanities,” Herr Zind enjoyed the respect not only of the small ruling clique that ran this town of twenty-eight thousand but also of the people at large. Kurt Lieser knew him as the president of Offenburg’s athletic club, the Turnverein. He also served as an official of the bowling club and was active in other organizations. Ludwig Zind could have filled the Hollywood role of an arrogant German officer perfectly. Although in his early fifties and of rather slight build, Herr Zind stood ramrod erect, giving the impression that he was a man of stern stuff. His long sun-tanned face showed heavy scars from his stu- dent days at Heidelberg. Under an intelligent, high forehead were hard, penetrating eyes, which betrayed a considerable degree of energy and fanaticism. Studienrat Zind took his seat and suddenly spoke, at once haughty and studiously jovial. “Well, Herr Lieser, what is the news in the world today?” A little surprised to be called by name, Lieser folded his paper and shrugged his shoulders. “Oh, just the same old story — Nasser and the Suez Canal, trouble in Jordan, and protests against the bomb-testing.” The discussion that followed between Zind and Lieser was reconstructed a year later before a court in Offenburg. The trial, which lasted three days, made headlines throughout the world and entered the annals of history as the macabre “affair Zind.” Nasser and the Suez Canal gave Ludwig Zind a welcome opportunity to reel off a whole catalogue of fixed Nazi cliches, ranging from “the shameful Treaty of Versailles” to Roose- velt’s “criminal sellout at Yalta.” Had Germany only won the heroic battle fought under Hitler, Zind proclaimed, the 6 The Legacy of Hitler world today would be in a different shape. There would be German order and not cold war, Communism, and crime. With a German victory we would today enjoy justice and decency, and not suffer under democratic mob rule, corrup- tion, and decadence. However, not everything was lost; his- tory had not yet come to its end. Nasser was proof that the British lion had lost its roar and was ready to die. France was rotting away in chronic disorder, and America was too fat, lazy, and stupid ever to become a soldier nation. Make no mistake, five to ten years hence Germany will again be con- fronted with the Schicksalsstunde — the hour of destiny. For that day the Fatherland must be prepared and the youth must be ready. Look how we have come back from defeat within a dozen years. Give us ten years more and we will again be the top nation in the world. Kurt Lieser tried to interject a few skeptical remarks about wishful thinking and miscalculations in history, about win- ning the battles and losing the war, and about the absurdity of another world butchery. But Herr Studienrat Zind dis- missed such defeatist ideas with the sweeping statement that this was all poison, dished out daily by those licensed papers which were either sympathetic to the Communists or were paid handsomely for selling American democracy. As the discussion — now an argument — continued, Herr Zind motioned two young men over to the table in order to let them take part in his refresher course on Nazi Weltan- schauung. Years before, the two had been his pupils at the Gymnasium, and now they were both finishing their final semester at a university. One of the young men had intro- duced himself as the law student Werner Walzer, the son of Oberstudiendirektor Walzer, Zind’s superior at the Gym- nasium. With this young generation in front of him, the Herr Stu- dienrat lifted his voice to condemn everything that was “un- German.” He quoted Schiller and Bismarck and the old Teutonic patriot, Ernst Moritz Arndt, in order to prove that 7 Return of the Native there would be eternal war between die Untermenschen — the scum of the earth — and the fair Nordic race. At this point Kurt Lieser became extremely irritated. “Herr Zind, would you say that you believe in the supe- riority of a so-called Nordic race, and that you condone the prejudices and the excesses against other races and creeds?” “Of course I do! And I will tell you frankly that there was nothing wrong with the racial laws that were introduced under Adolf Hitler. Those laws served a very good purpose!” Slowly looking around, Kurt Lieser saw the sneering faces of guests and waiters who were excitedly following this re- markable discussion. He knew that at this moment he had to stand up and be counted. For a long time he had expected that such a day might come. “I know you made Germany judenrein — free of Jews. But what about the methods? What about all the atrocities com- mitted by the Nazis against the Jews and other prisoners? How can you justify them?” “Herr Lieser, don’t give me that! I know too well this propaganda hogwash spread by the Jews. The Fuehrer was forced to arrest the Jews because they constituted a serious threat to the security of the state. The Jews in the camps were well fed and well treated; after the war every one of them re- ceived huge sums of money. But look at me, who paid me for what I have suffered after the war?” Kurt Lieser recognized that he was getting deeper and deeper into a hopeless argument. He tried to bring the dis- cussion up to the present. “What about today’s sacrilegious acts against Jewish tem- ples and cemeteries? Do you think it is right to paint swastikas on synagogues and defile Jewish graveyards?” “What’s wrong with that? These youngsters have a right to register their protest against the presence of Jews, even dead ones, on our German soil.” The foregoing exchange and that which follows is taken from reports which appeared in the German news magazine 8 The Legacy of Hitler Der Spiegel and from accounts about the Zind trial in the German press. kurt lieser “You as a teacher should feel ashamed of your state- ment. I suspect that you would even have the audacity to praise the Nazi mass murder?” ludwig zind “In my opinion far too few Jews went into the gas chambers.” kurt lieser “This is outrageous! Do you know that I spent the war in a concentration camp, that I was tortured and beaten, and that I almost lost my voice?” ludwig zind “What? That means they forgot to gas you too? It is a pity that you did not go up in smoke with all the others!” kurt lieser “Today you would put me into a concentration camp if you had your way, wouldn’t you?” ludwig zind “Why not? And let me add this: I would not hesitate to kill you!” kurt lieser “And what about my wife — you would gas her too?” ludwig zind “Of course I would! It could all be done at the same time!” kurt lieser “What would you do with my two children?” ludwig zind “For my part they could stay alive. But let me tell you this: I am proud that during the war I and my men killed hundreds of Jews with shovel blows on the skull. I would not hesitate to do it again.” Kurt Lieser flew into a rage and tried to jump at the Studienrat’s throat, shouting “Murderer!” A fight broke out. Zind called him a “dirty Jew” and cursed Israel. While the waiters shoved them out into the night, Ludwig Zind yelled, “Israel is a pesthole! The day will come when the Arabs will remove it like a carbuncle!” 2 The Zind Case On his way home Kurt Lieser was haunted by ugly memories. Dazed, bewildered, and in despair, he wondered whether it had been a wise decision to remain in Germany. His wife, al- most hysterical with fear, could not gain a clear picture of what had happened. The only thing she could make out was; that Herr Studienrat Zind would have no qualms about starting the gassing and killing all over again. Lieser had gone through it all before, and amazingly he had survived. But what would the future bring? He was tor- mented by a thousand questions to which he had no answers. What kind of world was he living in, anyway? Why had he so foolishly ignored the complaints of his children, who had been frequently accosted in the streets with the too-familiar invective: “Dreckige Judensau!” — dirty Jewish pig. As he tossed and turned in his bed, the long-forgotten shacks of the Sulz concentration camp came to life vividly in his memories. There they had broken him, body and spirit. How many Sulzes, how many Dachaus, Belsens, Bu- chenwalds, Auschwitzes, and Birkenaus had been put in op- eration by Germany? Could all this come back one day — the 10 The Legacy of Hitler torture cellars, the death bunkers, the gas chambers, and the crematories? He relived it all. He saw himself in his striped rags, which the Germans called a “uniform,” working in the stone quarry under almost inhuman conditions. Oh, yes, since he was only a Halbjude — part Jew — he had even been considered a privileged prisoner, and was allowed to do heavy work fourteen hours each day. As long as he could slave in £he quarry he had at least been safe from the gas chamber. When Kurt Lieser finally awoke from his nightmares late the following forenoon, he found it difficult to remember where he was. It took him some time to realize that he was in a comfortable bed in a civilized home, that it was not 1943, not i945» but the year 1957 — twelve years, fully twelve years after his liberation from the camp! And here he was, back in Offenburg, in his home town, among all the Zinds. There was an entirely different atmosphere at the house of Studienrat Ludwig Pankratz Zind. The news about the event at the Zaehringer Hof had spread with whirlwind speed all over town. Friends telephoned the Studienrat to find out whether it was true that he had given the Jew — dem Zugereisten — a good beating. “Only a good tongue-lashing which he will never forget,” was Zind’s answer. Wherever he went the Studienrat was again the hero of the town. His former pupils proudly recalled how in 1938 Zind, then a Nazi storm trooper, had praised his boys for their participation in the infamous “Kristallnacht.” Syna- gogues and “non-Aryan” stores went up in flames, and the Judenbande — the Jewish scum— were herded together, many of them with bloody heads and broken bones. Men and women were separated and then shipped off in cattle cars to various labor and concentration camps. “Ja, das waren noch Zeiten!— Those were the good old days!” commented some of his former pupils nostalgically when they met their old “prof” on the street. Such moments II The Zind Case were more than encouraging for Studienrat Zind, because he strongly believed it to be of great importance to “keep the spirit alive.” Whatever our misfortunes are, we must not lose our heads, he used to say. “History is uninterrupted warfare; it is like a roller coaster — sometimes you’re up, and sometimes you’re down.” Such talks were the real strength of the Studienrat. He was considered a leader in the com- munity because he radiated confidence. No wonder the whole town was buzzing with excitement over the “battle at the Zaehringer Hof.” Studienrat Zind had demonstrated again that something could be done if the people only had the courage to be bold. Although the townspeople of Offenburg had an ample supply of gossip for weeks about Zind’s “victory” at the Zaeh- ringer Hof, not a word of it appeared in the local paper. In all probability nothing of the incident would ever have been brought before the public had it not come to the attention of the lively and courageous news magazine Der Spiegel. On December 18, 1957, nine months after the affair at the Zaeh- ringer Hof, Der Spiegel published verbatim the highlights of the Zind-Lieser dialogue, under the caption “Israel Should Be Eradicated.” This single page in a news magazine created unexpected repercussions. It was not so much the fact that an anti- Semitic incident had been recorded. That happened almost every week in every German town. Such cases were usually reported at the bottom of the back pages in five lines of small print under “Miscellaneous.” What made the Zind case notable and caused the most comment was the revelation of all the maneuvers with which the authorities — the Ministry of Higher Education in the State of Baden-Wuerttemberg, as well as the Ministry of Justice — had tried for several months to hush up the case. Suddenly, with the Zind affair in the open, hectic com- munications were exchanged between the Grimmelshausen 12 The Legacy of Hitler Gymnasium and the school authorities in Freiburg, between the lower court in Offenburg and the Ministry of Justice in Karlsruhe, between the Minister-President of Baden-Wuert- temberg and the federal government in Bonn. There were inquiries from the Social Democratic opposition in Parlia- ment, denials by the officials, explanations and soothing talk from those who wanted to keep the story quiet. However, from the day Der Spiegel described the incident, things moved quickly. There was considerable fear in Bonn that world public opinion might be aroused by the resurgence of anti-Semitic outbursts in Germany. There were hasty investi- gations by the authorities, and an indictment against Zind was followed by his suspension from the Gymnasium. He was arrested, but was freed without bail a few days later. After elaborate preparations, the trial began in Offenburg in early April 1958, in the spotlight of the German and inter- national press. The huge wood-paneled trial room of the Provincial Court was filled to standing room only with Offenburgers. The halls and stairways of the courthouse were crowded with hundreds of townspeople who could not be admitted. Charged with having publicly approved the Nazi crimes and “slandered the memory of the dead,” Zind had to defend himself before three judges and two lay jurors. When he took the stand on the first day, Zind described the develop- ment from his early days as an anti-Semitic student up to the time he became a faithful follower of Hitler. During the twenties he joined the Stahlelm (Steel Helmet), a right-wing veterans’ organization, and later became a storm trooper. During the war he fought on the Eastern Front as a captain. Banned from teaching after the war, he was readmitted to the Gymnasium in 1948 as a mathematics and biology in- structor. According to the trial account in the Frankfurter Allge- meine Zeitung (April 10-12, 1958), Zind proudly stated: 13 The Zind Case “Without hesitation I adopted the political concepts of Na- tional Socialism and even today I regard these concepts as completely valid.” Zind berated the court with long national- istic tirades. He saw nothing wrong with his statement that Lieser “should have been gassed too.” Expressions like this, said Zind, “have become as common among the great ma- jority of the German people as the curse, ‘Go to the devil.’ ” Under questioning from the presiding judge, Dr. Hans Eckert, Zind admitted that an attempt had been made by the school authorities to settle the incident quietly through a proposed conciliation between Lieser and the defendant. But Zind had refused to apologize. He declared: “I would rather clean the streets than come crawling to a Jew.” Zind did not deny the accuracy of the dialogue which Lieser had testified to and Der Spiegel had reported. His only de- fense was that he had been provoked by Lieser’s questions, and that he had not said it was the Jews but the Russians whose heads had been bashed in by the hundreds. However, he admitted quite freely that he was “firmly committed to the Nazi principle of fighting the Jew, a matter which was not only justified in the past, but even necessary today.” It was established during the trial that Zind had propa- gated his anti-Semitic bias in the classroom. Otherwise the trial produced little evidence that had not been known before. It was, however, a revelation for the international press to see Studienrat Zind in action, and to get a close look at the fraternity and atmosphere among the townspeople of Offenburg. Almost without exception, the witnesses tried to help Zind by declaring that they had no clear recollection of the incident at the Zaehringer Hof . By sentencing Zind to one year in prison for “defaming the dead,” the court declared that it believed Lieser’s account of the incident, and that Zind, at certain points, had been lying. It was the first stringent sentence handed down by a German court, applying a new law designed to deal sternly 14 The Legacy of Hitler with anti-Semitic hatemongers. The court branded Zind as “an intellectual arsonist,” who had “severely damaged Ger- many’s reputation abroad.” During the trial the German press reported that Zind had received an offer of a position at a school in Cairo. When the Appellate Court confirmed the one-year prison term, Zind promptly escaped to Egypt. The remarkable thing about the Zind affair was its echo throughout the world and in part of the German press. On April 13, 1958, the New York Times quoted two German papers on the Zind trial. The Frankfurter Neue Presse said: “Herr Zind is not interesting. Interesting is the atmosphere in which the Zinds flourish. This atmosphere explains why a man whose attitude identifies itself with crime was thought fit to teach and educate a new generation. You Deputies, you Ministers, you Parliaments and trade unions, do you not realize that it is your fault?” The Neue Ruhr Zeitung said: “It is not Herr Zind who faced the court. Society was on trial, a society that tolerated a Zind and made it possible for him to behave as he did.” What the Times dispatch did not reveal was the scandal behind the scandal. The press also reported that the people in Offenburg gave their fullest sympathy to the unrecon- structed Zind. When the defendant walked out of the court- room “where the audience had been plainly on his side, women wept at the verdict and men reached out to shake his hand” (Time, April 21, 1958). At the courthouse Zind passed through long cheering crowds, and one reporter was told: “Whatever the court might say against him, you can rest as- sured that the whole of Offenburg is backing Zind” (Die Zeit, April 17, 1958). Was the Zind case symptomatic of a resurgence of Nazism? The New York Herald Tribune correspondent Gaston Co- blentz, in a report of April 12, 1958, quoted a Protestant 15 The Zind Case Church leader from Tuebingen as saying: “Elements which prudently became silent after 1945 are again insolently rais- ing their heads. If steps are not taken, we shall have within a few years a new Nazism lacking only a Fuehrer.” The same dispatch quoted the State Prosecutor in the Zind trial as fol- lows: “There are many people in Germany who believe that the time has arrived for them to come forward again aggres- sively with their anti-Jewish hatred.” Alarmed about the growing wave of anti-Semitism in West Germany, the Frankfurter Rundschau of April 14, 1958, de- clared in an editorial: “There are thousands of Zinds who give unabashed vent to their feelings in the Bierstuben. The anti-Semitic exchanges that one overhears are downright re- volting. They always end with statements like: ‘Not enough Jews were gassed’ or ‘They should be exterminated like vermin.’ ” Democratic newspapers wondered how many jun- ior Zinds had graduated from Offenburg and elsewhere. The New York Times of March 15, 1958, quoted a Chris- tian Democratic deputy of the Bundestag, Dr. Franz Boehm, as saying that “anti-Semitism has not been overcome” — a fact well known by the 30,000 Jews or “part Jews” who are still in Germany. The Sueddeutsche Zeitung of April 15, 1958, touched the sore spot of German public opinion by pointing out in an editorial: The circumstances of the Zind case have brought to light that the conditions in Germany are worse than most of us dare to say. The alarming fact is that the German people are today deeply con- fused in their concepts of right and wrong. . . . There is wide- spread praise of Zind as an “upright character” who dared to stick to his opinion and would “rather clean the streets than lie low before a Jew.” We wonder whether this is the voice of an over- sensitive national conscience or only the conspiracy of our society standing on the principle that “one crow does not scratch the eyes of another crow.” 16 The Legacy of Hitler Similar warnings were published in respected periodicals such as the Frankfurter Hefte, Die Zeit, and even in Dr. Ade- nauer’s own mouthpiece, the Rheinischer Merkur* Unfor- tunately no firm steps were taken by the Adenauer adminis- tration to prevent the resurgence of anti-Semitic propaganda and vandalistic outbursts. On November 27, 1957, long be- fore the Zind case, the important conservative newspaper Die Welt stated that anti-Semitism had again become a prob- lem of “painful actuality.” Pointing to a public opinion poll, the paper expressed concern over the fact that 88 percent of those questioned refused to discuss their opinions on the Jewish question. The paper mentioned another poll where “a third came out clearly in favor of the old anti-Semitic concepts.” The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of October 1, 1957, reported an increase of anti-Semitic activities and came to the conclusion that the “escape into hatred” is a dangerous sign in Germany, “together with many other things which are still very much alive under the surface.” On May 27, 1957, six months before the Zind affair be- came public, the Christian Science Monitor printed this dispatch from Bonn: • The newspapers and periodicals quoted in this and the following chapters have a high standing in Germany. A survey of the German press, published in The Department of State Bulletin of February 23, 1953, names as the four leading newspapers: 1] Frankfurter Rundschau, left of center, independent, friendly to U.S. policies. 2] Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, conservative. 3] Deutsche Zeitung, conservative, expresses the view of the business com- munity. 4] Sueddeutsche Zeitung, independent, the most important paper in Bavaria. In recent years Die Welt of Hamburg, conservative, has developed into an outstanding national newspaper. Among the leading periodicals are the Frank- furter Hefte, Der Monat, the news magazine Der Spiegel, the conservative weekly Die Zeit, the Catholic weekly Rheinischer Merkur, and the conservative Protestant weekly Christ und Welt. 17 The Zind Case Church and civic leaders are expressing alarm at the outburst of anti-Semitic feeling and Nazi flag-waving recently displayed in various parts of Germany. Bishop Otto Dibelius, head of the German Evangelical Church, warned here May 24 that recent desecration of Jewish cemeteries in West Germany indicates a “regrowth of anti-Semitic tend- encies. . . .” In Salzgitter, raiders overturned about 80 gravestones and even a 20-ton memorial. They left behind a straw dummy bearing a swastika and a sign with the note: “Germany awake — Israel perish.” . . . Nuremberg was the scene of another April 20 birthday party for Hitler when swastika flags were raised on the field where the Fuehrer used to address Nazi rallies. . . . The editor of the Jewish weekly, Allgemeine Wochenzeitung, rejected as “highly exaggerated” a report by the Communist East German news agency ADN that 2,000 raids on Jewish cemeteries had been committed since the war. He placed the number at 250. At the same time the German-language paper in New York, Der Aufbau, reported on June 21, 1957, a “new wave of anti-Semitism in West Germany,” with Nazi-type youth groups, veterans’ societies, and expellee organizations as the main supporters of the anti-Semitic hate campaign. The Zind case only confirmed what close observers of the German political scene had been predicting for a long time: that the Nazis would come out of their hibernation as soon as it was no longer risky to demonstrate their true feelings. That moment arrived in 1955, when Germany became a sovereign state and the Allied rights of control came to an end. Since then the trend had been growing stronger to- ward a nationalistic revival and open manifestations of neo- Nazism. 18 The Legacy of Hitler For several years now the Bonn Republic has been plagued by periodic outbursts of anti-Semitic vandalism. Such waves occurred in 1955, in 1957, and again at the end of 1959, when the rash of swastika-daubings started on Christmas eve. The desecration of the synagogue in Cologne gave the signal for an epidemic of anti-Semitism which had its contagious ef- fects throughout the world. 3 “Nazism Is Dead and Buried j> By an ironic coincidence it happened that at about the same time the Bonn Republic was experiencing the Zind affair, a prominent American educator and diplomat was picturing West Germany in an entirely different light. Early in January 1958 a distinguished audience, com- posed of educators, scientists, and representatives of Amer- ica’s political elite, assembled in one of the large lecture halls on the campus of Harvard University. The speaker, the be- loved and esteemed president emeritus of Harvard, Dr. James Bryant Conant, was received with great applause. Dr. Conant had just returned from four years in Germany, first as United States High Commissioner and later as Ambassa- dor to the Federal Republic of Germany. In three consecu- tive lectures Dr. Conant reviewed the postwar developments in the Bonn Republic, using the most hopeful terms. He told his audience that in West Germany he had found “a people who had turned their backs on the German past.” Reaffirming an earlier statement that “the mood of modern Germany is that of a people repudiating the brutality of the 20 The Legacy of Hitler Nazi rule,” Dr. Conant came to the conclusion that “Nazism is dead and buried.” “Free Germany today,” the speaker told his audience, “is a united nation without military ambitions and with few illusions about the catastrophe from which it has only just emerged.” To his own question “Will it happen again?” Dr. Conant gave the explicit answer: “Taking all the facts avail- able into consideration, it seems to be quite clear that the myth of the Third Reich has been destroyed. Free Germany today repudiates the Nazi past.” Dr. Conant’s evaluation of modern Germany cannot be overlooked. Here was a rational, informed scientist, educa- tor, and diplomat, who had made a careful study of all the facts and forces at play in postwar Germany. The educators and political leaders heard with great relief Dr. Conant’s as- surances that the Germany which had twice within one gen- eration run amuck against the whole civilized world had finally undergone a profound change. The nation of Goethe, Kant, and Humboldt was back on the road to its highest ideals. “I predict,” Dr. Conant concluded, “that the en- thusiasms now germinating in Germany are not the wrong ones.” Long press dispatches in leading American newspapers emphasized the highlights of Dr. Conant’s address.* A few months later the three lectures were published in book form under the title Germany and Freedom. Laudatory reviews spread Dr. Conant’s optimistic outlook on the future of Ger- many to an even larger audience. Most remarkable was the New York Times book review of April 6, 1958, which pointed out that Dr. Conant’s thesis of a new purified Germany rested on “realistic optimism.” It quoted Dr. Conant’s opinion that a healthy state of affairs had developed in Germany: “However closely we look for symptoms of revived national- • The above quotations from Dr. Conant’s address were taken from the Chris- tian Science Monitor of January 10, 1958. 21 “Nazism Is Dead and Buried” ism, racism, militarism, or despotism, we must admit they simply are not there.” Dr. Conant’s report convinced the Times reviewer that “those who are always seeing a new Nazism around the corner are living in the past.” Certainly Dr. Conant’s statements reflected the official line of the Bonn government, as well as that of the U. S. State Department. Long before Dr. Conant made his optimistic statements on the change in Germany in 1957 and 1958, I had had lengthy discussions with State Department officials whose considerable experience in postwar Germany had made them unquestioned experts in this field. These officials admitted quite frankly the discrepancy between Washington’s policy position and the actual conditions in certain areas. Their argument can be summed up as follows: It is not so much that the State Department is badly informed about the de- velopments in various countries and especially in Germany, but it is rather a matter of evaluation and emphasis. All un- pleasant events and facts which might unfavorably affect the realization of our plans are played down as much as pos- sible. This is obviously done in order to avoid criticism which might undermine the confidence of the American people and that of our allies in the effectiveness of our policy. The officials admitted that there were some risks involved in our German experiment. However, it was considered necessary to take the position that in the Bonn Republic we have a dependable ally and that the large majority of Ger- mans have sincerely reformed. The dogma of the untouchable policy position was under- scored by Dr. Conant himself. In a dispatch from Cambridge, the New York Times reported on January 10, 1958, that Dr. Conant had criticized George F. Kennan, our former ambas- sador to the Soviet Union, for having advocated in his British Broadcasting lectures (December 1957) a gradual military disengagement in Central Europe and a limited rearmament in Germany. What was really startling was Dr. Conant’s sug- 22 The Legacy of Hitler gestion that on such a vital issue as the future of Germany there should be no public discussion which in any way might differ from the official State Department position. The Times quoted Dr. Conant as follows: “Anything that is said or done to stir up German suspicions about American intentions in Europe or American suspicions about Germany vis-a-vis the Soviet is a blow to the solidarity of NATO. Conversely, anything that can be done to quiet such suspicions will strengthen the defense of our freedom.” Nevertheless, be- neath the surface there is still a widespread feeling of uneasi- ness among the American public in regard to the future of Germany. Time and again radio and television programs have come up with the significant question: Can we trust Germany? People often wonder where the millions of Nazis have dis- appeared to, all those who once hailed and faithfully served the Fuehrer. What has happened to those thousands of top Nazis in Hitler’s Third Reich — the high officials in the ad- ministration, the Brown-Shirt bullies and the SS guard officers who once strutted in snappy uniforms and riding boots, with their chests covered with “lametta”? Where are the Nazi diplomats, the geopolitical strategists, and the advocates of a master race and Lebensraum? Where are the thousands of judges and prosecutors who, year after year, sent countless “enemies of the state” to the gallows and tens of thousands to lifelong hard labor, starvation, and death? What has hap- pened to the thousands of brutes who committed the daily massacres and tortures in the concentrations camps? Where are those who supervised the extermination of millions — in- cluding women and children — in the gas chambers? Finally, where are the tens of thousands of Nazi teachers, the millions of fanatical Hitler youths, and the thousands of highly in- doctrinated youth leaders who are today in the age group between thirty-five and forty-five? Have they all become 23 “Nazism Is Dead and Buried” thoroughly reformed democrats, so that Nazism is really “dead and buried”? Early in 1959 the owner of an independent radio station in New York discussed the German problem in three con- secutive editorial broadcasts.* “Is there any danger that the Nazis might come back into positions of power in Germany?” he asked, and answered himself unequivocally: “. . . the Nazis are back in positions of power in government, in in- dustry, in banking, in the press, in education.” In support of this thesis the editorial marshaled a wide array of indisput- able facts and came to the conclusion: The very Nazi leaders of the days of Hitler are back in power. Thus do we conjure up the ghosts of a nation that, only a few years ago, was dedicated to sadism, torture and murder — a na- tional policy of calculated cruelty unmatched in the history of modern man. WMCA fears that our deeds today will haunt our children tomorrow. What is the truth? Is Nazism “dead and buried,” or are the Nazis back in power? To obtain a balanced and true picture about the new Germany it is necessary to take a closer look at the record. * The talks by Nathan Straus of WMCA (January 2, 9, and 16, 1959) had an unprecedented response from the audience and attracted violent criticism from the German press. 4 The Plotters Late on the night of January 14, 1953, the telephones rang in the homes of newspaper correspondents representing the foreign press in London. The sleepy newsmen, responding to the calls, were requested by a Foreign Office official to as- semble at Downing Street by seven o’clock the following morning for an important press conference. There was little doubt that something extraordinary had happened, since it was the first time since the end of the war that a news con- ference had been scheduled for such an unusual hour. The next morning shortly after seven, the head of the press division of the Foreign Office, Sir William Ridsdale, dis- tributed a communique which stated that a group of seven former high Nazi officials had been arrested in Duesseldorf and Hamburg for having plotted the overthrow of the Bonn Republic. The official announcement said that the British authorities had been aware for some time that the seven men had been involved in a plot and that the arrest had been made under the authority of Foreign Minister Eden. The ringleader of the group was a Dr. Werner Naumann, who, until the German collapse, had served as State Secre- 25 The Plotters tary in Dr. Goebbels’ Propaganda Ministry. Dr. Naumann had been with Hitler during the very last days in the bunker of the Chancellery in Berlin, and he was the one designated by the Fuehrer in his testament to succeed Dr. Goebbels as Propaganda Minister. Arrested along with Naumann were the following prom- inent Nazis: Karl Kaufmann, one-time Gauleiter of Hamburg. Paul Zimmermann, an SS General and official of the concentra- tion camp branch of the SS organization. Gustav Scheel, Gauleiter of Salzburg, Austria, and designated Minister of Education in Hitler’s will. Dr. Heinrich Haselmeyer, head of the National Socialist Stu- dent League, and Hitler’s “expert on race and sterilization.” Dr. Karl Scharping, a propaganda official under Dr. Goebbels. Heinz Siepen, another district leader of the Third Reich. The British announced that they had confiscated “tons of material” (four truckloads), and after the first check, they hinted that a careful examination would produce ample evi- dence to back up an indictment of conspiracy and high trea- son. The seven arrested men were described as the leaders of a group of a hundred twenty-five important Nazis whose aim was to infiltrate the three Rightist parties in the Adenauer coalition. Their final goal had been “the overthrow of the Bonn parliamentary regime.” The arrest of the plotters had a strong effect upon the Bonn government and on German public opinion. Accord- ing to a dispatch in the New York Times, Chancellor Ade- nauer was “shocked and angered.” The Times, quoting from the General Anzeiger of Bonn, a paper close to Ade- nauer, said that the British “had contrived the whole affair for the purpose of warning the Americans against entering a direct alliance with the dangerous Germans.” Times cor- respondent Drew Middleton reported from Bonn that “Ger- 26 The Legacy of Hitler man public sentiment began to crystallize in defense of the seven arrested National Socialists.” Leading Bonn officials and politicians, supported by the majority of the German press, opened an all-out campaign against the British, im- plying that they had sinister motives and telling them that they had no business poking into a strictly domestic German affair. Only a handful of democratic and conservative papers took a more critical view of the Naumann conspiracy.* The main concern of German government officials and the press was that the British had acted “unfairly” against Bonn at a moment when Dr. Adenauer had to face a most delicate international situation. At that time the Adenauer cabinet hoped for a speedy ratification of the European De- fense Community Treaty (EDC) which would restore full German sovereignty and would be the first step toward po- litical unification of Europe. To raise the specter of a re- surgent Nazi danger before world public opinion at such a moment was, in Dr. Adenauer’s eyes, an unpardonable crime. The Chancellor was especially bitter because the British High Commissioner, Sir Ivone Kirkpatrick, had not consulted him before the arrest. The British reply was polite but determined. It pointed out that the occupation authorities had been profoundly disturbed when they had found evidence of an advanced plot, instigated by a vast Nazi network spreading from Duessel- dorf to Cairo, Madrid, Buenos Aires, and Malmo, Sweden. They stated furthermore that they had had to proceed with the utmost secrecy, since the plotters had close contacts with high government circles in Bonn. Acording to the New York Times, the British submitted evidence to the Chancellor * Although this information is based upon a collection of several hundred dispatches and editorials, I have drawn chiefly on the reports from the New York Times of January 16 to 18, 1953. Also of special significance were several articles which appeared in the Frankfurter Rundschau and the Stuttgarter Nachrichten during the latter part of January 1953, revealing the magnitude of the Naumann plot. 27 The Plotters which “revealed a wide-spread plot with ramifications into many political parties and other influential organizations of West Germany.” Faced with the grave implications of the Naumann conspiracy, Dr. Adenauer and his Minister of Justice, Dr. Thomas Dehler, had to confirm the seriousness of the case. After the British had convinced Dr. Adenauer that they had an open-and-shut case against the Naumann plotters, the Bonn government suddenly exerted great pressure to bring the proceedings under German jurisdiction. On March 13, 1953, Dr. Adenauer wrote a letter to the British High Com- missioner asking “that the investigation and eventual prose- cution of Dr. Naumann and his associates should be handed over to the German authorities.” The British responded fa- vorably to this request on March 26, 1953. After taking over the investigation, Dr. Adenauer admitted at a press conference “the existence of a far-flung plot” and that Naumann’s activities “had been financed with consider- able sums by Nazi groups in foreign countries.” Minister of Justice Dehler told reporters that the Naumann group had developed “a most cunning and diabolic system of infiltra- tion” and that the conspiracy represented “an acute threat to the democratic institutions in the Federal Republic.” The captured Naumann documents, he said, “gave clear proof that the aim of the group had been to fill key positions in all Rightist parties with hard-core Nazis and thereby create propaganda vehicles which later could be used for a broad neo-Nazi mass movement.” According to the Wiesbadener Kurier of May 6, 1953, Dr. Dehler quoted from one docu- ment in which Naumann expressed the hope that, if his scheme succeeded, “the coming election might be the last of its kind.” Soon after the British had transferred the prosecution of the case to the German authorities, the lawyers of the ar- rested plotters began to put pressure on the federal govern- 28 The Legacy of Hitler ment to suppress the case and release their clients. The Bremer Nachrichten reported on June 15, 1953, that the Nau- mann lawyers had even threatened to discuss “the true back- ground of the case openly” if their clients were not re- leased soon. By the end of June 1953 Dr. Naumann and his co-plotters were suddenly released, in violation of the most rigid stipu- lations of German law and court procedure. A year and a half later, in December 1954, in spite of the fact that the prosecutor had brought an indictment against Naumann charging conspiracy against the constitution of the Federal Republic, the highest court quietly dismissed the case with- out any trial or hearing. Even before the plotters were released, the British became suspicious about the handling of the Naumann case and leaked some of the incriminating material to a stanchly democratic German newspaper which had gained quite a reputation for its revealing articles on the infiltration of former Nazis into the Adenauer administration. During the early part of June 1953 the Frankfurter Rundschau published five articles dealing with Naumann’s tapped telephone con- versations, notes from his appointment calendar, correspond- ence between the plotters, and significant excerpts from his diary. The published material gave a full inside view of the scope and character of the conspiracy. The description of the intricate structure of the plot and the background of the many people involved filled whole pages in the Frankfurter Rundschau* Here it is suf- ficient to state the main objectives as they emerged from the confiscated material: 1] Use the democratic constitution as a facade behind • Articles and editorials in the Frankfurter Rundschau for January, February, and June 1953; also three informative articles in the Stuttgarter Nachrichten, January 29-31, and an editorial, “The Spider,” in the Bremer Nachrichten, June 16, 1953. 29 The Plotters which a new Nazi movement could be organized, designed to take over the apparatus of the state when time and circum- stances would make such a step necessary and profitable. 2] Let Chancellor Adenauer serve as a front, exactly as Gustav Stresemann did during the twenties, behind which a new German power could develop undisturbed without arousing premature suspicions. 3] Apply a new method of infiltration (Unterwanderung) in order to conquer the existing parties and the administra- tive machinery of the state from within. Avoid noisy nation- alistic demonstrations, flag-waving and incidents; use the more efficient and unsuspicious procedure of working in small cells, which some day, at an opportune moment, might con- solidate themselves into a broad mass organization. The detailed plan, which the Germans soon called the “Nau-Nau” strategy, instructed former well-known Nazi leaders to stay discreetly in the background until the time was ripe for action. In the meantime the leaders were to use all their connections to bring bright and capable young Nazis, especially those trained in the Hitler Youth, into influential positions, not only in the Adenauer coalition parties but also into all other political organizations. The Naumann documents revealed much more than a mere strategic blueprint of how to subvert a state apparatus or the existing parties from within. There was a detailed record of how Dr. Naumann had used his contacts with top industrial- ists and leading politicians to fill well-paid positions in the Free Democratic party with scores of young, able Nazis who once had learned the tricks of the trade in the Goebbels’ Propaganda Ministry. Dr. Naumann’s most devoted collab- orator in this enterprise was his intimate friend, Dr. Ernst Achenbach, a former Ribbentrop diplomat who, after the war, had become a prominent lawyer in the Ruhr district. It was reported that Achenbach and Naumann had been close friends during the war when they served together in impor- 30 The Legacy of Hitler tant positions under Ambassador Otto Abetz in the German Embassy in occupied Paris. It was Dr. Achenbach who, in 1943, recommended to the Foreign Office that two thousand Jews be shipped to the East as reprisal for an attack on two Nazi officers.* After the war Achenbach aggressively defended Nazi no- tables in many war crime trials. In later years he became the legal counselor and political confidant of a group of right- wing Ruhr industrialists. With the financial power of the industrial giants of the Ruhr behind him, Achenbach exerted a dominating influence in the Free Democratic party, where he held the important position of Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee. Many of his close friends and connections, mainly young Nazi activists, had successfully infiltrated the two other Adenauer coalition parties, the ultra-Rightist Ger- man party and the All-German Bloc (Refugee party), the latter appealing chiefly to the ten million refugees from the Eastern territories. For some time after his arrest the British kept Dr. Nau- mann incommunicado, because they regarded his lawyer, who was Dr. Achenbach, as severely implicated in the plot. The pro-Adenauer paper Stuttgarter Nachrichten of January 17, 1953, named Achenbach the spiritus rector behind the drive toward a neo-Nazi restoration. A lengthy British white paper on the Naumann-Achenbach plot was ready to be re- leased in August 1953, when it was suddenly “withdrawn at the last moment on Cabinet instructions, for reasons which never have been made quite clear.” f There were rumors that the British had yielded under the combined pressure of Washington and Bonn. The confiscated material disclosed that the Achenbach- Naumann group represented a so-called Fuehrungsring — a • The document was published in Das Freie Wort, Duesseldorf, May 16, 1953. fAlistair Home, Return to Power (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., 1956), p. 165. 31 The Plotters Nazi high command — a kind of political Mafia, with head- quarters in Madrid, which operated by remote control through clever organizational schemes on different levels, serving various purposes. This Gauleiter group met period- ically in the strictest secrecy, mainly in Duesseldorf or Ham- burg. Up to thirty former Nazi top officials assembled under false names as “old friends” in hotels, where they carried on their political scheming. Among them were the ex-Gauleiters Kaufmann, Grohe, Florian, Wegener, Frauenfeld, and Scheel, a number of high officials from the Propaganda Ministry, some Ribbentrop diplomats, and top-ranking SS officers. According to the British correspondent Alistair Home, the “roll calls of the ex-Gauleiters and high SS officials present read like a page from some nightmare Who’s Who of the Third Reich.” These Nazi leaders had either escaped the dragnet of the victorious Allies by false identification papers or had been released from internment after a year or two without any substantial penalty. The aim of the group was “to form the general staff of the ‘National Opposition’ ” and build “a new political party out of the existing parties of the right.” * Besides the infiltration of co-conspirators into positions of command within the existing parties and into government departments and party organizations on the middle and lower levels, another task of the Fuehrungsring was to organize and direct mass organizations, such as veterans’ and refugee asso- ciations, which one day could easily be used as instruments for political action. Other fields of activities for the group were political propaganda in foreign countries, carried out in close contact with the Nazi headquarters in Madrid, and the initiation of conspiracies in foreign markets in behalf of Ger- man industrial cartels. Have the Nazi schemers — the Achenbachs, Naumanns, and Company — accomplished what they aimed for after the Nazi * Home, Return to Power, p. 168. 32 The Legacy of Hitler collapse? Have they regained influence and power in the Bonn Republic? The answer has been given in the affirmative by the plotters themselves. Long before, they had captured numerous key positions in the Adenauer administration, in political parties, and in the Laender (state) parliaments. They were exuberant about their successes in one of their secret directives circulated by the Nazi headquarters in Madrid. This lengthy document, issued in September 1950, spoke con- temptuously of the total failure of the Western occupation policy and pointed gleefully to the success of the “flexible and smoothly-working organization which, at the end of the war, provided the precondition for all the gains that by necessity emerged for Germany out of the chaos of the postwar period. . . . Five years after Potsdam, we can look back with pride at our accomplishments. . . . Nothing happened by chance; everything was carefully planned.” * There is considerable material available which gives con- clusive proof that the Nazis had made preparations long be- fore their collapse to train an army of agents, often skillfully camouflaged as “resistance fighters.” About the successful continuation of the Nazi subversive activities, the Madrid Circular Letter had this to say: Even after the collapse, the National Socialist party continued to work in a camouflaged way [getarnt] in dozens of seemingly in- nocuous societies and groups, in order to keep the national out- look of the German people alive and undiluted. Just as many small brooks go toward making a mighty stream, the various nationalistic and radical groups in the Zonen-Reich carried out, almost without exception, worthwhile and powerful propaganda! Each of these groups had its special task and had to adjust its * The Madrid Circular Letter gave a general analysis of the world situation five years after the German collapse and put special emphasis on the possibili- ties of a German comeback. The full text of the document was printed in T. H. Tetens’ Germany Plots with the Kremlin (New York: Henry Schuman !953)- 33 The Plotters work to certain situations and circumstances. However, it was of chief importance to direct the underlying trend of the patriotic propaganda toward the same goal. The more diverse and dis- connected these groups appeared on the surface, the less they were apt to arouse suspicion that they were directed and influenced by a central organization. We have placed our confidential agents, observers, and representatives for special assignments in all groups and parties, even among Communist organizations and their fronts. The greater the number of organizations controlled and influenced by us, the more effective will be the results of our work. The effectiveness and results of this Nazi strategy of infil- tration will best be shown by taking a closer look at the con- ditions in present-day Germany. PART TWO Germany Today note: Beginning with Chapter 5 most data concerning Ger- man newspapers and other sources will be given in the notes following the last chapter. These are keyed to the text by num- ber. Exceptions are those sources which are clearly identified in the text by name and date of publication. 5 The Hidden Enemy Surveying the entire political structure of the Bonn Repub- lic, one comes to the inescapable conclusion that the Nazis have had a quiet comeback almost everywhere. From the Chancellery down through every cabinet office, through the parties, the parliaments of the Laender, the police, the school system, and the press, former Nazis are deeply entrenched in many key positions, as well as in the middle and lower ranks of the federal and state government. In the Chancellery there are two influential senior officials, Secretary of State Dr. Hans Globke and the senior diplomat Dr. Herbert Blankenhorn, who have been accused by the Social Democratic opposition of having faithfully served the Nazi cause. Both men, in spite of their unsavory records, have been entrusted by Dr. Adenauer from the very beginning with the rebuilding of the new government for the Federal Republic. Under the Nazi regime Hans Globke served as the top official in the Office for Jewish Affairs in the Ministry of the Interior. It was here that the infamous Nuremberg Laws for the Protection of the German Blood were first drafted. The 38 Germany Today man who signed the racial laws against the Jews, Interior Minister Dr. Wilhelm Frick, was sentenced to death by the International Court in Nuremberg and hanged on October 16, 1946. And the one directly involved with the formulation of these laws was Dr. Hans Globke. It was he who drafted the text of Hitler’s race law and who wrote the notorious “Com- mentary” interpreting this Nuremberg law, which paved the way for the extermination of millions of human beings. When the Nazis decided to carry out the mass liquidation of European Jews, Dr. Globke’s direct superior, Ministerial Counsel Bernard Loesner, himself a Nazi party member, had scruples of conscience and resigned from office. His post was taken over by Dr. Hans Globke. As chief legal adviser and head of the Office of Jewish Affairs, Dr. Globke thus became a direct participant in the gigantic venture to make Germany judenrein. In applying the racial laws Dr. Globke worked hand in hand with the Main Security Office, the headquarters of the SS murder organization. Der Spiegel of September 28, i960, reported a case which reveals that Dr. Globke had direct deal- ings with the SS Colonel Adolf Eichmann. More than that, the evidence shows that Dr. Globke was a key administrator in the “Final Solution,” the master plan for the extermination of the Jews. The article in Der Spiegel quoted the testimony of a Wehrmacht officer, Max Merten, who together with Eich- mann suggested in 1943 that 20,000 Jews in Macedonia (marked for the gas chambers in Auschwitz) should be re- leased and shipped to Palestine. It was obviously not a feeling of humanity, but rather a personal greed for money, as well as a shortage of transportation facilities to the concentration camps, that motivated both Nazis to make this suggestion.* * Wehrmacht officer Merten was involved in a number of shady deals and war crimes for which a high court in Greece sentenced him to twenty-five years in prison. Under pressure from the Bonn government, Merten was set free after thirty months of detention. 39 The Hidden Enemy According to the story in Der Spiegel, Merten and Eichmann reached Dr. Globke and tried to obtain permission from the Office of Jewish Affairs for the release of the prisoners. Their efforts were in vain. Dr. Globke insisted on the strict execu- tion of the Fuehrer’s order. That sealed the fate of the 20,000 Jews, who were then shipped in cattle cars to Auschwitz. Why Dr. Adenauer could not find another man capable of setting up a true democratic civil service has never been ex- plained. Whatever lies behind this mystery, the fact is that Dr. Hans Globke, who faithfully served the Nazi hierarchy, became one of the most powerful men in the Federal Re- public. Dr. Globke has denied that he was a member of the Nazi party. But as the Frankfurter Rundschau of April 3, 1956, pointed out, Dr. Globke forgot to tell the Nuremberg judges that “he once filled out an application for membership in the Nazi party.” In any event, it is an established fact that his services to the Nazi regime were highly appreciated by the party hierarchy and that he was amply rewarded. On April 25, 1938, the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Frick, wrote a letter to Hitler’s deputy in the Brown House in which he praised Dr. Globke as “the most capable and efficient official in my ministry.” The Nazi minister gave Globke a special accolade for his “extraordinary efforts in drafting the law for the Pro- tection of the German Blood” and for a number of similar racial laws. Recognizing his “loyalty and constant willingness to act for the Nazi cause,” Dr. Frick recommended that Hans Globke be promoted to the position of a senior official. Three months later Dr. Globke was appointed Ministerial Counsel. The full text of Dr. Frick’s letter was published in Der Spiegel on August 10, i960. The German press has called Dr. Globke “The Gray Emi- nence,” “the power behind the throne,” and “The Spider.” Die Welt of October 30, 1955, described Dr. Globke as “the second-in-command in the control tower of the German ship 40 Germany Today of state.” According to Die Welt, Dr. Globke is the “only man who has access to Adenauer at all times or who can call the Chancellor at any hour.” The paper adds: “Globke’s political power rests entirely on the confidence which emanates from his chief, and on his domination over the official apparatus which must be regarded as his exclusive handiwork.” Many political observers believe that Dr. Globke in his quest for power simply adopted the authoritarian principles of Hitler’s Fuehrerstaat in order to establish the undisputed authority of the Fuehrungszentrale — steering center — in the Chancellery. It is possible that Dr. Globke has done more than anyone else to re-Nazify West Germany. He has been accused by the opposition of having filled many key positions with former Nazis who are only waiting for a change in the political wind. For many years Dr. Globke’s past has been an embarrassing topic in the Bonn Parliament. On July 12, 1950, the legal expert of the Social Democratic party, Dr. Adolf Arndt, speaking before the Bundestag, de- scribed Dr. Globke’s record in detail. Dr. Arndt accused the Chancellor’s chief assistant of having “committed mass mur- der with the help of legal paragraphs.” As a servant of the Nazis, Dr. Arndt pointed out, Herr Globke had “trampled upon the dignity of the human race and dishonored the Ger- man name.” Since that time the Social Democrats have fre- quently demanded the ouster of Bonn’s number-one bureau- crat. In the Bundestag debate of October 16, 1951, the Social Democratic deputy Dr. Gerhard Luetkens charged that the packing of the Bonn Foreign Office with ex-Nazis “was the work of a clique, once closely connected with the SS Main Security Office, which is steered by the ineffable Herr Globke, whose role has been discussed from this rostrum repeatedly” (official record of the Bundestag, October 16, 1951, p. 6,927). The result of Dr. Globke’s clever manipulations is that as chief assistant to Dr. Adenauer he makes decisions about a great many affairs in the federal government. A full-page 41 The Hidden Enemy article in the Deutsche Zeitung of June 11, 1958, explained how Dr. Globke is able to wield rigid control over every min- istry. The various government departments have to submit monthly reports about their activities and plans, which all end up on Globke’s desk. According to this analysis, no min- ister can make an important decision without the approval of Dr. Globke. It is the Secretary of State who convenes cabi- net meetings and determines their agenda. The Deutsche Zeitung described Globke as the head of a huge staff, a super- ministry led by thirty-six senior officials, which constitutes the hub of the entire government machinery. It is Globke who decides what part of the incoming mail reaches the Chancellor. Nominations for appointments to high positions in all ministries are made by Dr. Globke. The result is that every ministry is run either by dependable friends or loyal servants of Dr. Glokbe. 1 The Christian Science Monitor has stated that this concentration of government power in the hands of a single man has made observers “bitterly complain that Dr. Globke often has had more authority than cabinet ministers.” 2 The New York Times correspondent Sydney Gruson gave the following appraisal: “As State Secretary of the Chancellery, Dr. Globke is acknowledged to be one of the most influential men in West Germany. He runs the Chancel- lor’s office, and nearly all papers for the Chancellor must first go through his hands.” 3 Ironically, the one-time servant of the Nazi regime today has full control over the Office for the Protection of the Constitution. Also under Globke’s direct authority is the operation of a supersecret organization headed by Hitler’s former spy chief, Lieutenant General Reinhard Gehlen. In order to understand the tremendous power concentrated in the hands of Dr. Globke, we must first take a look at the world-wide intelligence network of the mysterious Bureau Gehlen. The story of General Gehlen has often been told in the European press, but seldom has his name been mentioned 42 Germany Today in the United States. The reason is, as the Washington Post stated on September 19, 1954, that Hitler’s former intelli- gence chief is working as “America’s number-one spy abroad.” Although for many years the Soviets had made a great outcry about the number of Gehlen agents they had captured, and although Europeans could read lengthy stories about the Bureau Gehlen in their newspapers, American readers heard the following facts for the first time in 1954: . . . Without Reinhard Gehlen’s name ever being mentioned in the appropriation’s debate in Congress, he spends six million dollars a year from the United States Treasury. Thousands of agents of diverse nationalities are on his payroll, together with the elite of the old German army’s counter- intelligence corps. . . . The Central Intelligence Agency and the Pentagon appear to trust this retired German Lieutenant General more than they do any Allied statesman. . . . Here, in brief, is the story of the ex-Wehrmacht intelli- gence ace.* Under Hitler, Gehlen rose rapidly in the German General Staff. In 1942 he was appointed chief of the Enemy Armies East Department. As such, he worked hand in hand with Walter Schellenberg, the notorious head of the SS cloak- and-dagger Abwehr (Intelligence Bureau). With the German military collapse imminent, Gehlen stored his valuable archives in safe places and ordered his staff to retreat into isolated regions high up in the Alpine redoubt. Some time after the shooting stopped, Gehlen sur- rendered to General Patton’s Seventh Army. He immediately asked for an interview with the commanding officer of the U. S. Counter Intelligence Corps. Gehlen offered the Amer- ican officer his intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the price- less files for future service. * The most informative articles about Gehlen appeared in the London Daily Express, March 17, 1952; Die Weltwoche, Zurich, August 6, 1954; Christ und Welt, Stuttgart, August 19, 1954; and Der Spiegel, September 22, 1954. 43 The Hidden Enemy It was clear that Gehlen was a “big fish.” Hitler’s spy chief was immediately flown to Washington, where he conducted long negotiations in the Pentagon during the summer of 1945. According to Der Spiegel of September 22, 1954, a secret understanding was reached to the effect that Gehlen would reconstruct an “exclusively German-staffed” intelli- gence apparatus, “financed with the fat dollar funds from the U. S. Counter Intelligence.” His files were found “invaluable” and “all his conditions were accepted.” The Pentagon-Gehlen agreement in practice guaranteed the continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the German General Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS offi- cers were quietly released from internment camps and joined Gehlen’s headquarters in the Spessart Mountains in central Germany. When the staff had grown to three thousand men, the Bureau Gehlen opened a closely guarded twenty-five-acre compound near Pullach, south of Munich, operating under the innocent name of the South German Industrial Develop- ment Organization. By 1950 the activities of the Bureau Gehlen had become public knowledge in Germany and all over Europe. The top secret was no longer a secret, yet “for years both Washington and Bonn refused to confirm that the organization existed.” 4 Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and bounds. In the early fifties it was estimated that the organization employed up to 4,000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly former army and SS officers, and that more than 4,000 V-men (undercover agents) were active throughout the Soviet-bloc countries. Gehlen’s spy network stretches from Korea to Cairo, from Siberia to Santiago de Chile. “With the aid of his old and intimate friend, Secretary of State Globke, Reinhard Gehlen had access to Chancellor Adenauer at any time.” 5 When the Federal Republic became a sovereign state in 1955, the Bureau Gehlen was openly recognized as the official intelligence arm of the Bonn government. Thus the 44 Germany Today world-wide Gehlen network came under the direct command and control of Dr. Hans Globke. There can be little doubt that with the conspiratorial capacity of the Bureau Gehlen, the Chancellor and his Secretary of State have at their dis- posal a formidable instrument for the internal and external struggle for power. Another organization operating under the direct control of Dr. Globke is the Federal Press Department, which in re- cent years has been involved in several scandals in connection with the use of its multimillion-dollar “reptile funds.” Dr. Adenauer’s Secretary of State has been charged in the Bun- destag with “paying journalists 1,000 and 2,000 marks for a political analysis.” Such payments were obvious bribes, given to newspapermen so that they would “play along with the government line.” 6 Other millions have been spent to sub- sidize “friendly” publishers. To these sums must be added secret funds of more than 40,000,000 marks which are ear- marked for the discretionary use of the Chancellor and his Secretary of State outside of any parliamentary control. The opposition has been arguing for years that a man with Dr. Globke’s questionable record does not belong in such a high and sensitive position. Yet whenever criticism has arisen, Dr. Adenauer has gone to great lengths to protect and defend his chief assistant by declaring that he is “indispensable.” No less dark is the picture of another high official, Dr. Her- bert Blankenhorn, who for many years acted as Dr. Ade- nauer’s adviser on foreign affairs. Like Globke, Dr. Blanken- horn had faithfully served Hitler and the Nazi hierarchy. When Dr. Adenauer was being groomed to become the first Chancellor of the Republic, he entrusted the ex-Nazi Blan- kenhorn with the task of organizing a new Foreign Office. Long before the 1945 collapse, the Nazi diplomats had made elaborate preparations for a quick comeback. They organized a special Niederlage (defeat) section whose task was 45 The Hidden Enemy to work out detailed plans of “how to overcome the catastro- phe.” It is disturbing to examine the maneuvers of these diplomatic cavaliers as they evaded and wriggled free from automatic arrest and gradually disappeared into previously prepared emergency shelters in such guises as “director of an orphanage” or harmless officials employed by an “Evangelical Relief Society.” Most of these men had been actively involved in preparing Hitler’s aggressive moves by spreading propa- ganda and lies among the future victims and by financing and directing “fifth columns” and espionage networks abroad. In some countries these diplomats gave all-out support to groups which organized rebellion against lawfully elected govern- ments, as, for example, in Austria, Spain, Czechoslovakia, and Iraq. They were implicated in kidnappings, the plotting of murder, mass deportation and gassing of Jews, the killing of hostages, and looting of whole countries.* Only a few diplomats were ever investigated by the Allies in the “Wilhelmstrasse Trial” in 1949. Many others, although severely implicated, were never prosecuted. One of these men was Dr. Martin Luther, head of the Deutschland Department, where mass murder, looting, and other crimes were hatched in an almost daily routine. Dr. Luther acted in close coopera- tion with the Main Security Office of the SS, and his depart- ment was also “the liaison office with the Ministry of the In- terior” in which Dr. Hans Globke acted as the Referent for Jewish Affairs. 7 Numerous documents show that diplomats such as Horst Wagner, Karl Klingenfuss, Franz Rademacher, Werner von Grundherr, and others, participated in the “liquidation of the Jews.” f * These statements are based on intimate knowledge of the captured German Foreign Office files which I examined during 1946-48 as an investigator for the l”. S. War Crimes Commission. t Some of the incriminating evidence was presented in the “Wilhelmstrasse Trial” in 1949, and later in a German court in proceedings against the diplo- mat Rademacher. Gerald Reitlinger, in The Final Solution (p. 26), calls the 46 Germany Today As early as 1949 the Neue Zeitung, the official American paper in Germany, warned of the preparations being made by the Ribbentrop clique to recapture the Foreign Office. The advice was not heeded by Dr. Adenauer. When the Chancellor, in 1950, ordered the establishment of a new For- eign Office, Herbert Blankenhorn presented him with the nucleus of the discredited Ribbentrop group. The Chancellor must have known that Blankenhorn, Ribbentrop’s close con- fidant, was himself implicated in the crime of deportation and mass murder. On April 22, 1952, the Swiss newspaper Die Tat reported that in the trial against Rademacher certain docu- ments and a photograph which implicated Blankenhorn had not been introduced in court as evidence although they were in the prosecutor’s files. According to Die Tat, the picture “showed Herr von Blankenhorn in his diplomatic uniform visiting the Warsaw ghetto together with other high Nazis.” It was pointed out that the Bonn Foreign Office had put pres- sure on the court not to introduce the picture and the in- criminating documents. The uninterrupted attacks by a few democratic papers against the reactivation of the old Ribbentrop group were soon echoed by the Social Democratic opposition in the Bun- destag. The fact that the old Nazis had infiltrated a depart- ment as sensitive as the Foreign Office became a constant cause of embarrassment to Dr. Adenauer. In the Bundestag debate of October 22, 1952, the Chancellor became so irri- tated by the mounting criticism that he lost his temper and threatened some German newspapers with court proceedings if they did not cease what he termed “unjustified” attacks against certain diplomats. However, in spite of these threats, a German journalist, Michael Heinze-Mansfeld, continued Bureau IV A 4b, in the Main Security Office, “the hub of the entire spider’s web of deportation and massacre.” Reitlinger also points to the large-scale forgery of foreign bank notes and documents organized by the Security Office in the Sachsenhausen camp. 47 The Hidden Enemy to publish evidence exposing the Nazi diplomats in the Bonn Foreign Office.* Public indignation mounted when the director of the Bavarian Radio Network, Wilhelm von Cube, a fighting democrat, denounced the impossible situation in two broad- casts. Von Cube proved in a detailed analysis that no fewer than 85 percent of the leading officials in the Bonn Foreign Office had been Nazi party members and had served the Hit- ler cause. Because of these protests the Bundestag took matters in hand and appointed an investigating committee. After many hearings, concerning only the twenty diplomats named in the Frankfurter Rundschau articles, the committee issued its final report, consisting of a hundred printed pages. The report confirmed the fact that many Ribbentrop diplomats had gained dominating positions in the Bonn Foreign Office be- cause they were able to act as a closely knit organization. The report stated that the group had placed their members in key positions and that they had done their utmost to whitewash one another by exchanging affidavits — Persilscheine — which were supposed to prove that they had all been “resistance fighters.” The report called for the retirement or the ousting from the Foreign Office of Dr. Werner von Grundherr, Dr. Werner von Bargen, Dr. Kurt Heinburg, and Dr. Herbert Dittmann, who was then chief of the Department of Foreign Service Personnel. It recommended that the former Nazi officials, Drs. Wilhelm Haas, Peter Pfeiffer, Wilhelm Melchers, Hans Schwarzmann, Werner Schwarz, Alois Tichy, and Truetzsch- ler von Falkenstein, be prevented from assuming diplomatic missions abroad and that they be prohibited from serving in the Department of Foreign Service Personnel. • In a series of six articles, “You Have Returned, You Ghostly Creatures,” Mansfeld reviewed the sordid past of a number of prominent Bonn diplomats Frankfurter Rundschau, September 1-6, 1951). 48 Germany Today The committee complained about the outright lying and falsification of facts practiced by the accused diplomats. It was established that the Foreign Office officials had elabo- rately conspired to protect Dr. Rademacher (accused of parti- cipation in the mass killing of Jews) in order to prevent the implication of other diplomats. Dr. Rademacher, who in one case was clearly proved to have arranged the killing of 1 ,500 Jews in Belgrade, drew a prison sentence of only three years and eight months. The court allowed him to remain free while his appeal was pending, thus creating a welcome oppor- tunity for him to flee. Promptly Rademacher escaped to Argentina, the haven of so many war criminals. There the Nazi periodical German Honor was jubilant and called Rade- macher’s escape an “extraordinary feat of rescue from the clutches of the Jewish jackals.” In the Bundestag debate of October 23, 1952, Dr. Ade- nauer admitted that 66 percent of the diplomats in higher positions were former Nazis, but, he added, he could “not build up a Foreign Office without relying on such skilled men.” The recommendations made in the Bundestag report were completely ignored. The vital Department of Personnel is still dominated by former party members. For many years the director of the official diplomatic School for Foreign Service was the ex-Nazi Dr. Peter Pfeiffer, a man closely con- nected with numerous conspiratorial affairs. At the end of the Tunisian campaign, in 1943, Dr. Pfeiffer closed his last tele- gram with “Long live the Fuehrer! Sieg Heil!” In 1958 Foreign Minister von Brentano appointed two former Nazis as his top assistants. He made Dr. Albert-Hilger von Scherpenberg, a son-in-law of Hjalmar Schacht, State Secretary, assuming that the public had entirely forgotten a sensational kidnapping case in which this man had been in- volved twenty-five years before. In February 1935 the Swiss authorities arrested the jour- nalist Dr. Hans Wesemann and charged him with the kid- 49 The Hidden Enemy napping of Berthold Jacob, the publisher of an anti-Nazi newsletter, who was then known as a particularly well- informed expert on German secret rearmament. Wesemann, playing the role of an anti-Nazi, had lured Jacob from France to Switzerland, offering him “important information.” With the help of two Gestapo specialists Jacob was doped and then brought over the German border in an automobile. Under mounting evidence Wesemann finally broke down and ad- mitted several kidnappings for the Gestapo. He named as his closest contact man in London the diplomat Hilger von Scherpenberg — today a State Secretary in the Bonn Foreign Office. The other man elevated by Foreign Minister von Brentano is the ex-Nazi Dr. Herbert Dittmann, who has been severely implicated by the vast evidence regarding the mass deporta- tion and liquidation of millions of Jews in the East. The Bun- destag report sharply censured him for his constant lying as a witness and declared him no longer fit to be employed in the Foreign Service. In spite of this verdict, Dr. von Brentano appointed him Undersecretary of State. In i960 Dr. Ditt- mann was appointed ambassador to Brazil. Attached to Globke’s empire in the Chancellery is the Federal Press Department. Since 1952 (with a brief interrup- tion in 1955) the Press Department has been headed by Felix von Eckardt, who during the Nazi rule was one of the most successful script writers on nationalist and Nazi topics in the state-controlled motion picture industry. A Bismarck film written by von Eckardt was chosen by Dr. Goebbels as “Film of the Nation,” an equivalent of the American Oscar. 8 Herr von Eckardt’s deputy in the Press Department is Dr. Werner Krueger, a former Nazi who once had been trained in Dr. Goebbels’ Propaganda Ministry. Under Krueger’s rule dozens of former Nazis have taken up important positions in the Press Department. When Herr von Eckardt served temporarily as Bonn’s dip- 50 Germany Today lomatic observer at the U.N. in 1956, a Dr. Edmund Forsch- bach, also a former Nazi, acted as Dr. Adenauer’s press chief. The American newspaperman Theodore Kaghan, who inter- viewed the Chancellor at that time, described Forschbach’s nervousness when Nazism was discussed in the interview. Forschbach felt uneasy because it had been revealed in the German press that he “had played a leading role, back in 1933, by lining up German Catholic student organizations behind Hitler.” He had also appeared in the first complete Nazi Reichstag “wearing a smart SA uniform and looking resplendent in the ideological trappings of the Thousand- Year Reich.” 9 Kaghan, who served for several years as a high public affairs official with the U. S. High Commissioner in Germany, had first-hand knowledge of the conditions in the Bonn Republic. In his articles he described how even those friendly toward Adenauer say that the Chancellor is “too closely surrounded with ex-Nazis.” Kaghan quoted Der Mittag, a right-of-center newspaper as saying: “We simply cannot understand why former prominent Nazi politicians must be in the first row again. . . . There is no excuse.” When Chancellor Adenauer formed his second cabinet after the 1953 election, it was presented to the world as a team of stanch democrats. However, the record showed a number of his ministers either as members of the Nazi party and the SS or as extreme nationalists who had served the Hitler cause in important positions. Ministers Theodor Oberlaender, Emanuel Preusker, and Waldmar Kraft had been officers in Hitler’s Elite Guard. Dr. Gerhard Schroeder, a party mem- ber, served the Nazis as a legal adviser and storm troop leader. As Minister of the Interior he now has control over the police and is responsible for the internal security of the Bonn Re- public. Former New York Times correspondent Delbert Clark reported that the record of the Minister of Economics, Dr. 51 The Hidden Enemy Ludwig Erhard, “was one of full co-operation with the Nazi regime.” He was “adviser to Nazi Gauleiter Buerckel in the Saar, and chief of the Hitlerite Institute for Industrial Re- search.” 10 Dr. Fritz Schaeffer, the Minister of Finance (later Minister of Justice), praised Hitler in glowing terms as the “savior of the Reich.” Delbert Clark described Schaeffer as “a clever and highly dangerous character.” Under United States occupation Schaeffer was appointed Minister-President of Bavaria. However, mounting evidence soon revealed that he had been a Nazi collaborator, and in 1946 he was removed from office and banned for several years from all political activities. 11 The Minister of Transportation, Dr. Hans Christoph See- bohm, served the Nazi regime as an economic adviser in Silesia and in occupied Czechoslovakia. Dr. Seebohm is known all over Europe as an ultranationalistic troublemaker. Der Spiegel of March 23, i960, published a two-column pro- file which depicted Seebohm as the “prototype of the eternal Nazi.” His rabble-rousing Sunday speeches have become a controversial topic in the European press and have frequently been a source of uneasiness to Dr. Adenauer. As leader of the Rightist German party, Dr. Seebohm has openly expressed his deep reverence for the swastika and has viciously attacked the Western powers. On September 15, 1951, he addressed a mass meeting of the Sudeten Germans at Stuttgart in which he denounced the “monstrous crime the victors had com- mitted against Germany, Europe and the whole world.” Another cabinet member, Dr. Hermann Schaefer, served during the war as an important official in Reichsmarschal Goering’s Armaments Office. Of all his cabinet members, the Minister for Expellees, Dr. Theodor Oberlaender, caused the Chancellor most chagrin. As a high Nazi official and officer of the SS (he was Reichs- fuehrer of the German Alliance in the East), Dr. Oberlaender had used the Nazi press to demand the expulsion and ex- 52 Germany Today termination of the Slavic peoples and the rapid colonization of the vast conquered territories by the German master race. 12 For years German democratic papers had charged Dr. Ober- laender with packing the ranks of his ministry with former Nazis. 13 In 1959 Oberlaender was the center of a storm that finally forced his resignation in May i960. He was blamed for the mass murder of thousands of Jews and Polish intellectuals who had been liquidated in July 1941 when a special SS task force under his command occupied the Polish city of Lem- berg(Lvov).* With a cabinet of such background, it comes as no surprise to hear that the ministries are studded with former high- ranking Nazis. The excuse has often been heard that qualified applicants with a solid democratic record were not available. This has been vehemently denied by democratic critics. In the case of the Foreign Office, there was a list of more than a thousand applicants, men of democratic principles with diplomatic and foreign-language experience. Dr. Blanken- horn chose to hire his old Ribbentrop associates. The Ministery for Expellees, once headed by Oberlaender, is still known as a haven for former high-ranking Nazis. The personal assistant to the minister is today Dr. Wolfram, a former SS officer. The fanatical race propagandist Werner Ventzki, ex-mayor of Lodz, serves as director of a department. Head of the press office, Dr. Schlicker, was a storm troop leader. Many ex-Nazis have found shelter in the Ministry of Trans- portation under Dr. Hans Seebohm. One of his department * At that time Dr. Oberlaender was an SS officer and a member of the notori- ous Abwehr. According to Die Zeit of Hamburg, he was an expert “for the treatment of other races” and the political officer of the Einsatz (terror) Nacht- igall unit. Oberlaender’s unit entered Lemberg on June 30, and remained in the city six days. According to Reitlinger and other sources, 7,000 people were killed, chiefly between July 2 and 4. Oberlaender does not deny that he was in Lemberg in those days, but says that during his stay “not a single shot was fired” (Die Zeit, October 9, 1959). 53 The Hidden Enemy chiefs is Werner Kreipe, owner of the Nazi Blutorden (Order of the Blood— the highest Nazi party decoration), who once served as chief of the General Staff in Goering’s Luftwaffe. The senior civil servant in the Interior Ministry is State Secretary Ritter von Lex, a former Nazi and intimate friend of Dr. Globke. The Deutsche Zeitung of April 22, 1959. pointed out that it had become a habit of senior officials to bring into their department scores of officials who had worked with them during the Hitler regime. For many years the Ministry of Justice has drawn criticism in the Bundestag. The courts, with a few notable exceptions, are to a large extent run by former Nazis. It has been charged that hundreds of Hitler’s court functionaries are today in im- portant positions, as prosecutors and presiding judges. Mis- carriages of justice and favoritism toward ex-Nazis have be- come so routine that it is necessary to review this situation in a special chapter. The new German Wehrmacht is directed by the young, aggressive Christian Democratic politician Franz-Joseph Strauss, whom Time magazine once labeled “the man to watch.” The British press has called Strauss “the most dan- gerous man in Europe.” The senior civil servant in the De- fense Ministry is State Secretary Dr. Josef Rust, a former colleague and intimate of Globke. Die Welt of Hamburg re- ported on September 8, 1956, that “of thirty-eight newly appointed Generals in the Bundeswehr, thirty-one were mem- bers of the General Staff of the old Wehrmacht.” These are the same Generals who served under the banner of the swas- tika and whose “responsibility for Hitler’s rule is so heavy and so unmistakable.” 14 The British correspondent Brian Connell has reported that “most of the leading members of the new German Defense Ministry were recommended to Adenauer by General Gehlen.” 15 There are active Nazi conspirators in the Ministry of All- German Affairs, which some years ago was instrumental in 54 Germany Today organizing a Nazi-type movement in the Saar in order to bring this French-controlled territory “Heim ins Reich” — Home to the Reich. 16 The outright Nazi character of this Pan-German organization was clearly revealed when Der Spiegel published the record of the ex-Nazi official Dr. Eberhard Taubert, who in 1955 attracted attention with his anti-Semitic statements. 17 Another early Nazi fighter and anti-Semite is Dr. Theodor Sonnemann who served the Hitler regime as an ideological propagandist for total war in the German high command. In several books Dr. Sonnemann denounced the British as the “arch enemy” and the Jews as the inventors of lies in the atrocity propaganda against the German Reich. His books were acclaimed in the Nazi press. 18 Today this friend of Dr. Globke serves as State Secretary for Agriculture in the Ade- nauer government. Dr. Gustav A. Sonnenhol, who joined Hitler’s Brown-Shirts and the Nazi party as early as 1930, had a similar career. Later Dr. Sonnenhol became an SS officer attached to von Ribben- trop’s diplomatic staff. According to the Frankfurter Rund- schau of November 22, 1951, Dr. Sonnenhol boasted after the war that “it had been an honor to have served as a mem- ber of Hitler’s SS.” This Nazi record was no hindrance to the old fighter who, in 1950, was appointed head of the In- formation Office for Marshall Plan Aid in the Adenauer ad- ministration. A few years later Dr. Sonnenhol became the senior adviser to Vice-Chancellor Bluecher in the second Adenauer cabinet. While in this position he wrote a memo- randum in which he advocated that Germany exploit the cold war to the utmost and make sure that no agreement should be reached between the United States and the Soviet bloc. Ac- cording to the Hamburger Echo of March 27, 1954, the Son- nenhol memorandum aroused much criticism in England. Even in the highest office of the land, that of the President, Nazis occupy positions of trust. The administrative head of the presidential office is a former Nazi official, Dr. Manfred 55 The Hidden Enemy Klaiber, and his right-hand assistant is the ex-consul Luipold Werz, who once belonged to the SS security division. The conditions in the administration of the Laender, county districts, and municipalities are even worse. In many of the smaller towns the old Nazi burghermasters have been re-elected. In industry and banking the ex-Nazi Wirtschaftsfuehrer are back in power and position. The Krupps, Flicks, Rech- bergs, and Reemtsmas have rebuilt and expanded their em- pires, and the Nazi banker Hermann Abs has greater influ- ence with Dr. Adenauer than he ever had under Adolf Hitler. That the Nazis have had a successful comeback in the Bonn Republic has been admitted even in the German press. Un- fortunately, however, the general public in those countries which have aided in Germany’s postwar recovery are shock- ingly unaware that the men who once faithfully served Hitler have quietly returned to key positions in the government. 6 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles There are two “miracles” which Dr. Adenauer has often named as the foremost achievements of his postwar leader- ship. In talks with foreigners he seldom forgets to mention the fact that Nazism has completely disappeared and that the new Germany rests on a stable, democratic electorate, with the majority of voters flooding his Christian Democratic Union (CDU). This is an imposing picture, almost as impres- sive as the Wirtschaftswunder — the economic miracle — which in every national election has turned out to be the Chancel- lor’s drawing card. But what has happened to the more than 20,000,000 people who in 1933 voted enthusiastically for Hitler and his national- istic cause? By what device did a “people that elected Hitler and joyously followed him on his mad career become over- night miraculously anti-Totalitarian?” 1 In the last free election before Hitler came to power the Nazis rallied almost 12,000,000 votes behind their aggressive racial and militant program.* In addition to these, there were * There were two elections in 1932: on July 31 the Nazis polled 13,800,000 votes for the swastika ticket; a few months later, on November 6, they suf- fered a loss of 2,000,000 votes. 57 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles 3,000,000 ardent nationalists, chiefly officers, bureaucrats, and veterans of World War I, voting for the German National party under Hugenberg, who at that time had concluded a close alliance with Hitler. In the March 1933 election the Catholic Center party (4,200,000) moved over to the extreme Right, and Herr von Papen engineered the Hitler-Papen- Hugenberg coalition, which then polled nearly 25,000,000 votes. Of these, 17,300,000 were for the Nazi ticket alone. At that time all middle-of-the-road parties had completely disappeared and only the Left with its 12,000,000 votes (Social Democrats, 7,200,000; Communists, 4,800,000) had remained intact. In order to understand what has been going on in the Bonn Republic we must consider briefly the three phases of Germany’s postwar political development. The first period (1945-47) was notable for the systematic sabotage by most parties of the Allied denazification program. The second period (1948-52) was characterized by attempts to use the licensed parties as vehicles for Nazi propaganda, and to bring ex-Nazis into administrative positions. The third period (1953 to the present) is marked by the quiet and gradual Nazi infiltration as a consequence of secret talks between high-ranking ex-party members and spokesmen of the leading government party, the Christian Democratic Union. During the two years following Germany’s collapse, all political activities were under the strict control of the occupy- ing powers. They licensed the newspapers and decided who was to be allowed to enter politics, first on the local and later on the regional level. The idea then was that the Germans had “to learn democracy.” The second period saw all the parties in wild competition, making extreme nationalistic appeals to 50,000,000 people who had just gone through a severe attack of the German (swastika) measles. It soon became evident that the German politicians were as shrewd as ever, but that unfortunately 58 Germany Today the Western powers had learned very little from the bitter experience of two world wars. The third period produced the rapid growth of a Christian Democratic mass party from 7,000,000 to 15,000,000 votes, all within the brief span of eight years. How did this “miracle” come about? Was it the result of a democratic enlightenment campaign conducted by Dr. Adenauer, Dr. Globke, and the conservative-Rightist cabinet? There was no evidence of such a campaign during the period oi ^o^s- On the contrary, there were alarming reports in the Adenauer press of a continuous decline of the CDU po- sition and of landslide gains by the extreme Rightist parties in all regional elections. After a severe defeat in a local elec- tion in Bremen, the pro-Adenauer Rheinischer Merkur hoisted the following storm warning on October 12, 1951: The decline of the CDU in Northern Germany, which first be- came visible in the state elections of Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony, has now become alarmingly clear with the election returns from Bremen. The Socialist Reichs party has attained almost the same strength and, in some local arrangements with the BHE [Refugee party], even more votes than the CDU. The latter fact is the significant hallmark of a development in which nationalistic slogans have created conditions similar to those in the late years of the Weimar Republic. . . . There is an un- mistakable trend toward the radical Right. This statement shows that the CDU leaders were seriously concerned about the future of the Adenauer coalition. If the Chancellor wanted to stay in power and proceed with his plan for unification of Europe, he would first have to secure a safe continuation of his coalition. Some time in 1951 the Ade- nauer high command came to the conclusion that they had to stop any further trend toward the Right and find means by which as many votes as possible could be channeled into Adenauer’s CDU. The most effective way to do this was to 59 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles apply the time-honored device of “the stick and the carrot.” The stick was used against the Socialist Reichs party (SRP) which had become the center of the neo-Nazi movement. At the request of the Bonn government the SRP was soon de- clared anticonstitutional and was outlawed by the Federal Court in Karlsruhe. At the same time, liberal use of the “car- rot” was made in order to lure the homeless neo-Nazi voters into the ranks of the CDU. In the state of Lower Saxony all parties scrambled wildly to pick up the almost 370,000 votes of the outlawed SRP. According to press reports, “all parties had opened their arms to embrace the homeless Nazi votes, especially the declining CDU.” 2 The election returns in 1953 made it quite obvious that a large section of ultra-Rightist and neo-Nazi voters had shifted their support to the CDU. In Lower Saxony, where the Christian Democrats had polled only 17 percent of the total vote in 1949 (and had suffered further losses in 1952), the returns suddenly went up to more than 33 percent of the popular vote. The CDU’s success was even greater in Schleswig-Holstein. Whereas in previous elections the Chris- tian Democrats could barely gain 16.5 percent of the popular vote, in 1953 they polled 47.1 percent of the total returns in this state. It was clear that whole blocs of voters had suddenly shifted to the CDU. How such political deals were made possible can best be shown by examining the situation in Schleswig-Holstein. To begin with, this northernmost state, almost exclusively Prot- estant and a stronghold of the Nazis, had been a poor hunt- ing ground for the CDU. Then the neo-Nazi movement was strengthened by the influx of refugees from the lost territories in the East. The Prime Minister of the state was Dr. Walter Bartram, a Nazi who had joined the party in 1937 and who, after the war, had become a member of the CDU. In many towns of Schleswig-Holstein the Nazis had re- covered their old positions. Government officers, former 60 Germany Today party officials, and top-level SS and army officers had banded together in various organizations which wielded a strong influence in the state. They had a large following in every town and village. According to press reports they had devel- oped a state-wide machine which had worked in behalf of the neo-Nazi SRP. 3 A report in the Frankfurter Rundschau described how a group of former Nazi officials, SS officers, Hitler Youth lead- ers, and the ex-mayors of several cities and towns had formed an Alliance of the War Generation. This supposedly non- political organization worked in close contact with a Gau- leiter group in Hamburg (connected with the Achenbach- Naumann circle) and with the Bruderschaft, a nation-wide network of important Wehrmacht and SS officers. According to the Frankfurter Rundschau, this ex-Nazi organization had “to a considerable extent infiltrated the regional Rightist parties and had thereby gained a great deal of influence.” * With the outlawing of the neo-Nazi SRP, the Alliance and its followers were confronted with a basic problem: where would they find a political home in which they could work undisturbed and undetected? They did the most logical thing — they joined Dr. Adenauer’s Christian Democratic Union. Of course they had the choice of joining one of the three other Rightist parties, but that would only have pro- duced evidence in support of the old charge that they were using the tactic of infiltration, and it could have resulted in the outlawing of another Rightist party. Also there was this important point: the three Rightist parties had all their key positions filled with ex-Nazis, whereas the CDU still had an undetermined organizational structure. The CDU could use organizers, ward leaders, speakers, district leaders, and so on. Under these circumstances the best solution for the Nazi action groups was to infiltrate the CDU state organiza- tions quietly and gradually. There is little doubt that the weakness of the CDU in 61 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles 1952 gave the neo-Nazis their great chance. Dr. Adenauer’s party badly needed the votes, especially in Schleswig-Holstein. Support from every political machine and bailiwick was wel- comed, provided the votes were brought in. Those who worked for the victory of the party in power could expect to be rewarded with the spoils. The following case may serve as an illustration. Among those who joined the CDU at that time was a Dr. Menzel who under the Nazis had functioned as the deputy mayor of Eckernfoerde. He had joined the Nazi party as early as 1931. After the war Dr. Menzel was a member of the four-man board that ran the Alliance of the War Generation, which supported the SRP. It was probably around 1952 that Dr. Menzel and his followers joined the CDU. Very soon afterward he became a prominent member of the State Assembly of Schleswig-Holstein. In 1955. when he was Deputy Leader of the CDU, he was nominated for the important cabinet post of Minister of the Interior. 5 During the last few years Schleswig-Holstein has been almost constantly in the news. In 1955 the Association of Former Internees and Victims of Denazification, an active Nazi group, held a mass meeting outside Neumuenster. Sev- eral provocative speeches were made, and the chairman of the group boasted of his “intimate collaboration with the Office for the Protection of the Constitution.” 6 On December 16, 1957, the Frankfurter Allgemeine re- ported that Minister-President Kai Uwe von Hassel had dis- missed from his cabinet the Minister of Welfare, Hans-Adolf Asbach, charging him with having “allowed the infiltration of former high-ranking SS officers and Nazi leaders.” In 1958 the election of former SS General Heinz Reinefarth to the Schleswig-Holstein State Assembly provoked com- ment throughout Germany. Reinefarth is known as the “butcher of Warsaw” because of his merciless dealings with Polish freedom fighters. When the Frankfurter Allgemeine criticized Reinefarth as unfit to sit in a parliamentary body, 62 Germany Today the diocesan paper of the Lutheran Church in Schleswig- Holstein rushed to the General’s defense by accusing the Frankfurter Allgemeine (a pro-Adenauer paper) of having disturbed the domestic peace and given “aid and comfort to Red propaganda.” To which the paper retorted that it is neither disturbance of the peace nor Red propaganda to chase unsavory characters out of public life. Said the paper: “People with an evidently black record do not belong in our parliaments or in important political positions.” * A New York Times dispatch of January 17, 1961, men- tioned that Schleswig-Holstein was plagued by “growing scandals” and that there were widespread charges that the state “had become a haven for former prominent Nazis.” Developments in certain other states — for example, Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia — were not much dif- ferent from those in Schleswig-Holstein. In Catholic Bavaria the teachers, local priests, and burghermasters were those on whom the CDU relied most heavily in order to build up its new party organization. Yet the teachers and the burgher- masters had been the backbone of the Nazi movement throughout Bavaria. Dr. John D. Montgomery, a senior re- search official in the U. S. Military Government, found that “most of the older teachers had been thoroughly orientated in Nazi philosophy” and “showed the greatest resentment against the occupation.” Yet Dr. Montgomery reports that “in the Bavarian schools 11,000 out of 12,000 teachers, who had been dismissed because of Nazi affiliations, were rein- stated by 1949.” 7 In the following years Adenauer’s party did even more to console the “old fighters” of the shattered Thousand- Year Reich. In May 1951 the Bundestag passed a law whereby, under Article 131 of the Bonn Constitution, those civil serv- * The Frankfurter Allgemeine of January 7, 1959, used a strong German ex- pression: “Leute mit nachweislich erheblichem Dreck an ihrem Stecken ge- hoeren nicht . . .” 63 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles ants who had been dismissed during the occupation had to be reinstated in administrative jobs. “The re-employment pro- ceeded so rapidly that within less than a year 139,471 had been readmitted to public service, and by September 30, 1953, this figure had increased to 163,577.” 8 It was unfortunate for the German people that all parties, including the Social Democrats (and their late leader, Kurt Schumacher), who used nationalistic appeals from the very beginning were neither restrained nor reprimanded by the occupying powers. At a time when the German masses needed sane and sober leadership in order to find their way into a new future, they were exposed to waves of nationalistic in- toxication. In the race for nationalist popularity, Dr. Ade- nauer proved himself to be an astute campaigner. In his earliest speeches he expressed open contempt for England, and he depicted the British as the true enemies, because they tried to hamper the economic resurrection of West Germany by dismantling the industries on Rhine and Ruhr. The New York Times of August 14, 1949, quoted the following passage from Dr. Adenauer’s election oratory: A nation like Germany, with one of the front seats in mankind’s history, has a right to think along nationalistic lines. . . . The foreigners must understand that the period of collapse and un- restricted domination by the Allies is over. On March 25, 1949, long before he was elected Chancellor, Dr. Adenauer caused consternation among the Allies when he declared in a speech in Berne, Switzerland, that the Ger- man people had never surrendered to the Allies, implying that they were free from all obligations. The German military leaders who surrendered in 1945 had “no mandate from the German people to submit to the terms of unconditional surrender.” In the same speech he opposed Allied confiscation of German patents and denounced the Oder-Neisse line by declaring: “This frontier we shall never recognize!” The 64 Germany Today Chancellor’s official biographer notes that “Adenauer’s Berne speech caused a political sensation far beyond the frontiers of Switzerland; almost everywhere it was received with stormy indignation.” 9 And at a mass meeting in Berlin in 1950, Dr. Adenauer embarrassed the Allied representatives present when he led the crowd in the singing of “Deutschland ueber Alles,” which was played at his request. From the beginning Dr. Adenauer announced that his platform was to free Germany from the consequences of de- feat, to gain back full sovereignty for the Fatherland, and to build it up again as a strong partner in a new alliance. A program like this was bound to have a considerable effect upon millions of Germans who had just lost their Fuehrer and the dream of becoming the master race of the world. Many of these homeless nationalists were already members of existing mass organizations, such as veterans’ societies and refugee associations, all under the leadership of former Nazis and Wehrmacht officers. The Christian Democrats could hope to win the support of these millions of ultranationalists and neo-Nazis only if they were willing to make concessions to the huge Rightist bloc that is known as the “Invisible Party.” 10 The CDU was willing to make such concessions and to pay a price. There were secret talks late in 1952 between leading members of Dr. Adenauer’s cabinet and Dr. Werner Nau- mann. These negotiations were suddenly disrupted when the British arrested the ex-Nazi leader and several of his co- conspirators. The confiscated Naumann papers revealed that Naumann had conducted negotiations with Bundesminister Waldemar Kraft (also an ex-Nazi) and with the Minister of Justice, Thomas Dehler. According to Der Spiegel,, there also had been a meeting between leading ex-Nazis and the late Bundestag Speaker, Herman Ehlers, in the fall of 1952. The purpose of all these negotiations had been to persuade the former Nazis into “positive collaboration” with the CDU. 65 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles The following facts seem to be noteworthy. First, the negotiations always took place a year or so before the elec- tions to the Bundestag. Second, preceding an election year, certain bills were pushed through the Bundestag or promises were made which satisfied to a large extent the special inter- ests of ex-Nazi officials, former SS and Wehrmacht officers, and the families of convicted war criminals. Dr. Adenauer promised that he would make every effort to free the “poor devils of war criminals.” * There were millions of expellees, once ardent followers of Hitler, who had lost their homes and who often found themselves in economic straits. To these people, who had to look for jobs, bigger pensions, and a new status, the CDU as the party in power had much to offer. There were other even more important issues, such as special decrees and statutes which originally had been introduced by the occupy- ing authorities in order to keep the Nazis out of federal and state government offices. There were the 400,000 men of Hitler’s Waffen SS, an organization which had been declared “criminal” during the Nuremberg War Crime Trials, who looked forward to rehabilitation. If the party in power could remove such onus, if a law could be enacted that would open the doors for the SS to enter the new Bundeswehr as officers and noncommissioned officers, such an act would be well re- membered on election day. Months before the election in 1953 many CDU speakers began addressing veterans’ and refugee associations, praising Dr. Adenauer for his persistent efforts to rescue Germany from defeat and for having “restored the honor of the Ger- man soldier.” In June 1953 Dr. Adenauer visited the prison * New York Times, June 25, 1952. In a press conference on February 19, 1952, Dr. Adenauer stated: “We Germans are exceptionally deeply interested in the treatment of war criminals, both for psychological reasons and sympathy with those who, though sentenced, have in our opinion not committed any war crimes at all.” 66 Germany Today in Werl, where he shook hands demonstratively with war criminals who had been sentenced to death and whose sen- tences were later commuted to life imprisonment. He as- sured them that the Bonn government was doing everything to obtain their release. On August 7, 1953, a CDU member of the Bundestag, former Colonel Hartmann, acted as the official representative of the Adenauer party at a mass meeting of former members of Hitler’s Waffen SS. In his speech, according to a report in the Wiking-Ruf, the newspaper of the Waffen SS, Hartmann condemned the defamation of the Waffen SS, saying that they had been “as an organization, and in their conduct as soldiers, always honorable.” The spokesman then stated: The CDU believes in giving equal status to the claims of the Waffen SS along with those accorded to other units of the regular German army. Dr. Adenauer’s visit to the prison at Werl is in- tended to make it clear to the whole world that the last of the so- called war criminals must be set free immediately. The Chancellor has made this a prerequisite of his policy, which is aimed at wiping out the Nuremberg concept of collective guilt. . . . The Bonn government has done its utmost to gain all advantages from the present situation and the soldiers of the Waffen SS should be appreciative of the fact that the Chancellor, in the formulation and execution of his European policies, is paying close attention to the record of common sacrifice [by the Waffen SS] in a great cause. Needless to say, Dr. Adenauer’s attitude was appreciated by Hitler’s Waffen SS veterans. The Deutsche Soldaten Zeit- ung of August 27, 1953, reported that one of the Waffen SS leaders, General Herbert Gille, recommended to all former Elite Guard members that they give their votes only to a political party which “has worked constructively in the in- terest of Germany.” As a result, millions of former Nazis, who had not voted 67 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles in 1949, gave a vote of confidence to the Adenauer policies in 1953. The returns made it obvious that the negotiations with the Naumann clique, the generous patronage to ex- Nazis, and the emphasis on “restoration of the German honor” had the desired results. Whereas the vote of the SDP and the Rightist parties showed no unusual fluctuation, the returns for the CDU brought an upsurge from 7,300,000 to 12,400,000 votes. The nationalistic appeal to the unreconstructed Nazis not only shocked Germany’s neighbors in Switzerland, France, Holland, Britain, and Scandinavia, but it was also noted with some apprehension by critical observers in the United States. An expert in the field of Nazi infiltration and propa- ganda, Professor James H. Sheldon, gave the following anal- ysis of the CDU election returns: The West German elections show primarily a vote of confidence for “a strong man.” Some early commentators on the Bonn re- turns seemed jubilant over the relatively small vote secured by the official neo-Nazi parties. Any encouragement to be derived from this aspect of the matter, however, is strictly skin-deep. The facts are that the Pan-Germans, neo-Nazis and ultranational- ists succeeded in invading the parties of the Adenauer coalition to such an appalling extent that they are now much nearer to the control of power in West Germany than before. … In other words, what happened in the German elections on September 6th is about the same as what has happened to “reform” parties in scores of American municipal elections where the “corrupt” ma- chine has adopted the cynical philosophy that “the best way to lick ’em is to join ’em.” n To back up his analysis, Mr. Sheldon was able to quote ex- cerpts from an official U.S. intelligence report which stated: Although the German voters on September 6th have banished the extremist parties of the right and the left from the Bundestag, they now must prepare themselves to seeing the basic democratic constitutional principles endangered by the authoritarian forces 68 Germany Today which exert their influence inside Adenauer’s party. . . . There cannot be any doubt that the nationalist, revisionist and author- itarian tendencies at the policy-making level of the CDU-CSU will be strengthened by the very strong increase in votes received by the party from obviously rightist extremist circles. . . . The foregoing report may serve as an illustration of the United States’ policy dilemma. The intelligence officials took note of the realities and pointed to the alarming increase of the “authoritarian forces which exert their influence inside Adenauer’s party.” Yet our policy position required us to advertise the facade and ignore the facts. An official Washing- ton statement hailed the CDU victory as a “clear repudia- tion of all anti-democratic extremist groups both of the Right and the Left.” 12 Preparations for the 1957 election were similar to those of 1953. After lengthy confidential negotiations, an invita- tion was sent out in January 1957 — nine months before the election — to a large group of top Nazi leaders for a secret meeting with one of Dr. Adenauer’s closest advisers, the Bundestag’s president, Dr. Eugen Gerstenmaier. Had not Der Spiegel gotten wind of this extraordinary exercise in “togetherness,” the outside world would not have heard a word about it. Der Spiegel of February 6, 1957, reported that the organizer, Carl Cerff — a former SS officer — admitted that it was intended “to keep the meeting secret,” because these were “confidential talks which were not for the ears of the public and press.” Among several dozen participants were former Gauleiters and deputy Gauleiters led by Dr. Werner Naumann, SS Generals Paul Hausser and Sepp Dietrich, several leaders from the Hitler Youth and the Labor Front, and, finally and most important, top officials from the Nazi Propaganda Ministry, such as Hans-Schwarz van Berk, former editor of Der Angriff and Das Reich, the former Goebbels assistant, Helmut Suendermann, today one of the most aggressive neo- 69 Dr. Adenauer’s Two Miracles Nazi publicists, and Dr. Robert Ernst, once a Goebbels ex- pert for the United Europe propaganda in France. The meeting dealt with reconciliation and the recognition of “the good sides of the Nazi regime,” as well as appropriate steps “to end all defamation.” There was a speech by Dr. Naumann in which he praised the Bundestag’s president for his “courage and understanding.” Dr. Gerstenmaier in turn paid his compliments to Werner Naumann by stating: “It is regrettable that such a talented Secretary of State had the misfortune to serve under such a bad Propaganda Min- ister.” To prove his good intentions, Dr. Gerstenmaier as- sured the illustrious assembly of former Nazi officials that “a new Naumann case would be impossible.” There was a lengthy discussion about the rehabilitation of the SS which, according to Dr. Gerstenmaier, could only come about by using the necessary patience. Admonishing his listeners to moderation, Dr. Gerstenmaier pointed to an earlier statement, that with “due regard to foreign public opinion” it would not be wise to have SS officers above the rank of Colonel admitted into the new Bundeswehr. 13 There was little doubt among the observers in Bonn that Bundestag President Gerstenmaier would never have nego- tiated with the Naumann group unless he had had the prior consent and backing of Dr. Adenauer.* However there was considerable difference of opinion as to whether it was sound politics for democratic leaders to work with the un- regenerate followers of a regime which had the most appall- ing criminal record in history. The outcome of the 1957 election dispelled these doubts. The negotiations, coupled • The Chancellor is known to have a propensity for this type of secret negotia- tion Long before Bonn had opened official relations with the Soviets, Dr. Adenauer authorized some of his closest advisers to conduct secret meetings with the Kremlin. In October 1958, for instance, it was discovered that the Minister of Finance, Dr. Fritz Schaeffer, with Dr. Adenauer’s consent, had conducted top secret talks with high officials of the Pankow regime as far back as 1956. 70 Germany Today with Germany’s spectacular economic progress, again at- tracted more followers to the CDU. This time the CDU polled 15,000,000 votes as against the 12,400,000 of the 1953 election. Some German and many foreign observers have pointed out that the rapidly progressing restoration and renazifica- tion will inevitably end in another catastrophe. As early as 1954 the German papers reprinted press comments from London charging that Dr. Adenauer was served by 190 more General Staff officers than Hitler had in 1936. The Bonn cor- respondent of the News Chronicle was quoted as saying that Dr. Adenauer was “surrounded by arrogant nationalists and defenders of the past, such as the Bundesministers Schroeder, Oberlaender, Kraft and Preusker, by men like Globke, Abs,’ and Professor Grewe, who all had served Hitler, and by Dr.’ Werner Best [an ardent Nazi], who had obtained an impor- tant position in the intelligence network of the Bonn Repub- lic.” 14 v Dozens of statements like the foregoing could be quoted. Not long ago a highly respected CDU politician, Professor Walter Hagemann, director of the Institute for Publizistik at the University of Muenster, was ousted from the ranks of the Christian Democrats for having opposed German atomic rearmament and for having criticized Dr. Adenauer’s autocratic habits in running the CDU. In May 1958 Professor Hagemann published an article in the Munich weekly Die Kultur under the heading: “We Are Again Threatened with Dictatorship.” The article charges that “as once in the past, a single man has become the undisputed master over a huge mass party; a new Fuehrer mythos has been created and the capacity for critical judgment of millions of voters has been almost erased.” Recalling the slogan, “The Fuehrer is al- ways right,” Professor Hagemann concludes that “at the end of this road there will again be a liquidation of the democratic order.” 15 7 The Termites Early in the afternoon of October 7, 1952, a scheduled air- liner coming in from Madrid touched down on the runway of the modern Rhine-Main Airport outside of the West German city of Frankfurt. Among the debarking travelers was a tall, slender gentleman with a distinguished bearing. The traveler took his place in a long line of people who were waiting before German officials for a routine check of their passports, and when his turn came he submitted an Italian passport showing his picture and the name “Enrico Larcher.” The pasport identified Signor Larcher as a dealer in art and a resident of the city of Milan. A stocky German official slowly looked through the pass- port. Then, fixing his eyes on the elegant traveler, he asked politely and calmly in German: “Sir, are you an Italian citizen? Is this passport a genuine identification?” “Of course it is!” came the slightly indignant answer, spoken in German but with a strong foreign accent. The German official did not seem to be satisfied. He beckoned Signor Larcher into an adjoining room. 72 Germany Today Obviously acting on a tip, the official told Signor Larcher that he would have to undergo a thorough examination of his papers and his luggage. Ignoring the art dealer’s protesta- tions in German and Italian, the customs officers found the evidence they were looking for after a few minutes of search- ing. Documents revealed that Signor Larcher was not an Italian art dealer, but was rather a key figure in an inter- national ring promoting Nazi infiltration. The gentleman was really Eugen Dollmann, born in Re- gensburg, Bavaria, who had become well known to the secu- rity services of almost all European governments. Only eight months earlier Herr Dollman, alias Larcher, had been in the headlines all over Europe in connection with deporta- tion proceedings in Switzerland. At that time the Swiss au- thorities had discovered the true identity of the “Italian art dealer.” During World War II, Eugen Dollmann was known as the dashing SS Colonel who had played a prominent role as the top agent of Hitler and Himmler in Italy and “whose talent was more for conspiracy than for serious politics.” * The investigation by the Swiss authorities established the fact that the former Elite Guard officer had lived under a false name for several years in a fashionable villa in the Swiss lake resort Lugano. From there Dollmann made fre- quent trips to Germany, Austria, Italy, Spain, and Cairo. The Colonel’s home in Lugano had been the center of lively traffic by mail and courier with far-flung places in the world. According to press reports, Dollmann’s outpost in Switzerland was closely tied to the international Nazi head- quarters in Madrid. 2 Enough facts are known about the center in Madrid to show that it functions as a Nazi party organization in exile. It has been reported that the Madrid center has its own finan- cial department, sustained by a huge treasure chest which the Nazis shipped to neutral countries before the German col- lapse. 3 There is a special department for German affairs, de- 73 The Termites partments for Africa and Latin America, and also a unit known as the International of Nationalists. The latter is a propaganda organization with branches all over Europe and groups operating in the Western Hemisphere and on other continents. On May 29, 195 J > Times correspondent C. I. Sulzberger confirmed the existence of this group which had revived the Fascist International in various countries “from Malmo to Tangier and from Rome to Buenos Aires.” The Washington Post of May 6, 1956, reported on the close con- tacts between right-wing radicals in Germany and the center of the Nazi International in Madrid: Observers in Bonn have traced the increasing activity of former Nazis who travel between Germany and the main centers of the International— Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Egypt and Argentina. They often work for import-export firms and agencies and for German motor manufacturers. They are able to tap “buried” Nazi assets abroad, which may be providing the main financial backing for Nationalist activities inside Germany. The names most frequently in the news in connection with the underground work of the Madrid Nazi center are the anti-Semitic, rabble-rousing Dr. Johann von Leers, the SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny, and the German Luftwaffe ace, Hans Ulrich Rudel. It is a well-known fact that Franco has taken the Nazi plotters to his bosom. When, in 1959, a delegation of the Nazi Condor Legion visited Madrid, Franco greeted his old civil war allies with the words: “Please regard Spain as your second fatherland.” * In January 1952, German and Swiss newspapers reported an extraordinary concentration of former high SS officers and ex-Nazi officials in Cairo. They were in close contact with influential Egyptian army officers and with the fanatical Arab plotter and Hitler’s friend, Haj Amin el Husseini, the ex- Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. The Busier Nachrichten of Jan- uary 29, 1952, mentioned the former Nazi SS Colonel Doll- 74 Germany Today raann as one of those who had conferences with the Egyptian plotters in the Grand Mufti’s headquarters, Villa Aida, in Heliopolis, a suburb outside of Cairo. The papers hinted that it was Dollmann and his co-conspirators in Madrid who had set the fuse of an anti-British plot in Cairo which, a few months later, resulted in the explosion that ended with the ousting of King Farouk. Although the local police regarded the Dollmann arrest as “of great importance,” someone in a high position in Bonn must have judged the affair from quite a different point of view, almost as an unfortunate accident that had to be reme- died as quickly as possible. Despite the fact that the German law punishes the forging of passports and the use of false documents with long prison terms, Herr Dollmann did not suffer any great inconvenience. He might have been released without any trial had not the Frankfurter Rundschau given the case considerable publicity. Under these circumstances Dollmann appeared before a lower Magistrates Court a week after his arrest and was sentenced to two months’ imprison- ment for forgery. The mild sentence given to Dollmann, the pressures to quash the prosecution against the Naumann plotters, the tol- eration of the activities of such important Nazis as Colonel Skorzeny and Hans Ulrich Rudel, give rise to the suspicion that high officials in Bonn had some secret ties with the Nazi center in Madrid. There are indications too that the Bonn Foreign Office and West German industrialists cooperated with the Nazis in Madrid in furthering a scheme to push the French and British out of the Near and Middle East. In most Arab countries the ties to the active Nazis were not inter- rupted with the collapse of the Third Reich. Many of the Nazi experts who had escaped the Allied dragnet were later hired by the Egyptian government as military, financial, and technical advisers. The official government Central 75 The Termites Planning Staff in Cairo under Dr. Wilhelm Voss and Gen- eral Wilhelm Fahrembach was instrumental in arranging the armaments deal with the Soviet bloc. 5 It is significant that the Nazi group in Cairo reportedly had closer ties to the Bonn Foreign Office than the West German ambassador, Dr. Guenther Pawelke. 6 Also revealing was the case of Dr. Fritz Doris, the leader of the Socialist Reichs party, which had been outlawed in 1952. This same Dr. Doris, whose party had been exposed by the highest Federal Court as subversive, was, after his con- viction, secretly hired by the Bonn Foreign Office for delicate assignments in the Arab countries. 7 In 1959 Dr. Adenauer was asked in a BBC television in- terview whether there was a resurgence of anti-Semitism and Nazism. He flatly declared: “Anti-Semitism was a character- istic of National Socialism; both together have disappeared.” 8 Nine days before this interview the Roman Catholic Bishop of Limburg, Monsignor Walter Kampe, wrote an editorial in his diocesan paper, entitled “The Nazis in Our Midst.” Mon- signor Kampe spoke of “the existence of several underground organizations among the old-guard Nazis,” through which they have created “a network of information and mutual as- sistance over the whole of Germany . . . whose influence is felt everywhere in all parties, in the administration of justice, in all professional organizations, among the expellee associations, and throughout our civic and economic life.” Bishop Kampe then stated: There are enough hot irons that nobody dares to touch because people deep in their bones feel a fear of the secret power and the brutality of the Nazi goon squads. It requires a certain courage to break that spell. What is missing is an organizational banding together of all the anti-Nazi forces in order to build a firm wall against the subversive attacks which undermine our not suffi- ciently stabilized democratic society. 9 76 Germany Today In a lengthy survey on the neo-Nazi and militaristic right- wing organizations, the Frankfurter Hefte, in its November issue of 1957, gave the following figures: In the Federal Republic there exist today 46 political associations of this character. The Nazi-militaristic wing is served by 30 news- papers, 68 Rightist book and magazine publishers, and 120 former Nazi publicists. In addition there are approximately 50 national- istic youth organizations. A little later, in a series of articles, “Panorama of the Extreme Rightists,” the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung for December 18, 19, and 21, 1957, made a survey of the or- ganizational structure of the neo-Nazi movement, “whose immediate aim is not to score political results [at the ballot box], but to cultivate Weltanschauung.” The Frankfurter Allgemeine named several dozen neo-Nazi organizations, their leading publications, and the gallery of would-be Fuehr- ers. 10 When the nourishing Socialist Reichs party was out- lawed in 1952, the authorities soon discovered that within a few months the Nazis had set up more than sixty tarn organ- izations — camouflaged substitutes — in the state of Lower Sax- ony alone. 11 The neo-Nazis have succeeded in channeling the move- ment into dozens of innocent-looking organizations. At pres- ent most are eager to keep their overt activities within the limits of the so-called “democratic legality.” Behind the facade of the Bund Deutscher Jugend (Associa- tion of German Youth — membership 22,000) for instance, was a well-trained secret saboteur and assassination squad which had been labeled the Technical Emergency Service. This guerrilla army was composed of several thousand former Wehrmacht and SS officers, and was secretly provided with weapons, money, and training facilities by U.S. agencies, the Bonn government, and a few large West German business concerns. In 1952 the U. S. High Commission was quite 77 The Termites chagrined when the Minister-President of the State of Hesse, August Zinn, publicly charged that this organization had drawn up blacklists of prominent politicians who were marked for assassination in case of an “emergency.” Enough evidence was produced to show that a large-scale political murder plot had been hatched in the best style of the “free corps” in the early twenties. 12 A dispatch in the New York Times of October 10, 1952, stated that the plotters had “betrayed U.S. trust” and that the American officials had been unaware of what was going on: United States authorities said they felt that the guerrilla training program was not in itself wrong, though possibly unwise. They said what most concerned them was the proclivity of the Germans involved for engaging in political activities that possibly had de- generated into a conspiracy against political and government leaders. Similar illegal activities were discovered behind other Nazi organizations, such as the Freikorps Deutschland, the Bewegung Reich, and scores of smaller groups. It is signifi- cant that most of these plotters, including those of the Bund Deutscher Jugend, never had to stand trial. How many stanch Nazis are today politically active in Germany? Since the Bonn government flatly denies that Nazis are still active in German politics, overtly or covertly, it is difficult to obtain figures based on official surveys. There is, however, a considerable amount of evidence — press re- ports on arrests of Nazis, the discovery of illegal organiza- tions, public opinion polls, and the circulation of Nazi pub- lications — which permits one to draw realistic estimates of the strength of the Nazi underground. As early as 1951, when figures were still reported, an official survey found that more than thirty illegal Nazi organizations were operating in West Berlin alone, all of them made up of former Nazi party of- 78 Germany Today ficials and SS officers. According to the Frankfurter Rund- schau of November 12, 1951, this “illegal” NSDAP [National Socialist German Workers’ Party] had a membership of at least 200,000. In 1951, only two years after the Socialist Reichs party was founded, it polled 367,000 votes for its thinly camou- flaged platform, in the State of Lower Saxony. (This was 1 1 percent of a total of 3,393,000 ballots cast.) Here is a vivid description by an American observer who saw the SRP in action: The Sozialistische Reichspartei is the closest thing to a Nazi party Germany has seen since war’s end. The speakers talked a straight Nazi line. It went down well. The audience shouted and enthusiastically stamped at attacks on the U.S. and its “Kaugummi” (chewing gum) soldiers. . . . The SRP line: Ger- many lost World War II only through treason; atrocity charges are Allied propaganda; Dachau’s death chambers were built after the war on American orders . . . The party’s brain is Count Wolf von Westarp, 45, one-armed former newspaperman and SS officer. But its loudest mouthpiece is former Major General Otto Ernst Remer. . . . Typical Remer blast: “Rather than have our women and children overrun by the Russians. … it would be better to post ourselves as traffic policemen, spreading our arms so that the Russians can find their way through Germany as quickly as possible. . . . [and] pick the [British and American] lords and ladies out of their silken beds!” 13 Among the leaders of the SRP was a Dr. Franz Richter, than a member of the Bundestag. It was discovered that “Dr. Richter” was a former Nazi party official whose real name was Fritz Roessler — and no “Dr.” at that. Richter-Roessler, like many other Nazis, had used false identification papers in order to avoid arrest by the Allies. Nobody really knows how many tens of thousands of party officials and Nazi war criminals are today living under false identities. In the early 79 The Termites years of the Bonn Republic it was estimated that as many as 120,000 people were hiding behind false fronts which had been carefully prepared before the Nazi collapse. Frequent appeals by the Bonn government, guaranteeing immunity from prosecution, have not brought a change in this situ- ation.* In the past the Adenauer government has argued that the few unreconstructed Nazis represent no danger to the demo- cratic order. But, as we have seen, the Nazis are there in great numbers; they are active in all parties and civic groups and they constitute an ever-present danger. After the banning of the Socialist Reichs party in 1952, the Nazis boasted that they would come to power again “through the back door” by infiltrating all existing institutions and by capturing key positions in political parties, the state, and the economy with the help of a “small, well-trained totalitarian group.” This new type of fascist struggle for power was termed “the cold revolution, a revolution carried out quietly from the top.” 14 In 1952, when five functionaries of a secret Adolf Hitler Action Group were sentenced for anticonstitutional activi- ties in West Berlin, it became known that the leader of the group, Schlockermann (alias Schroer), once a prominent of- ficial in Hitler’s headquarters in Munich, had given the fol- lowing directive: “Act inconspicuously! Infiltrate all Rightist organizations and make them ready for the final asault.” 15 A rally of the Deutsche Reichs party in 1956 was addressed by such prominent Nazi propagandists as Wilhelm Meinberg, once Hitler’s representative in the Prussian State Council; Adolf von Thadden, a fiery young agitator; and Herbert Freiberger, an astute tactician and former Hitler Youth leader. Herr Meinberg told the audience that some day the * Professor Friedrich Grimm, a prominent lawyer for leading Nazis, estimated in 1952 that there were still at least 80,000 people in Germany who preferred to live under false identification papers (Frankfurter Allgemeine, September 9, 1952)- 80 Germany Today Germans would build a monument for Der Fuehrer and his dead paladins; youth leader Freiberger predicted the failure of Adenauer’s policies; and Herr von Thadden elaborated on the forces which change the course of history: “We are con- vinced,” he said, “that against an inert, lazy majority, an iron- willed minority has to rise as the challenger. History has never been made by majorities, only by dynamic minor- ities.” 16 In 1958 five hundred Hoheitstraeger — top men in the Nazi elite — held their annual rally in the city of Mainz. Among the speakers was a former SS Colonel Julius Zuchbold, once the Nazi mayor of the resort town of Bad Pyrmont, who was one of the leading SS tyrants in occupied Czechoslovakia. Applauded by the frantic laughter of the assembled Nazi elite, Colonel Zuchbold quipped: As an SS officer, I had my place on the list of war criminals that had been prepared by the Czechoslovakian government. I pre- ferred to go underground because I wanted to spare the Czechs the unesthetic view which an overweight man with such a tre- mendous paunch as mine would have presented from the gallows. The speaker followed this sample of wit with a broadside against the Bonn “system,” criticizing it for its slowness in granting well-deserved pensions. He topped this attack with a thinly veiled threat: We do not intend to go to sleep. We will stay alert and exploit all the rights and privileges which the democratic system offers to us. Yet we will be a power whenever we decide to become a power. The confident mood of the ex-Nazis was aired by Kurt Wil- bertz, a lawyer and national chairman of the Association of Former Internees and Victims of Denazification, who boast- fully announced that the “new tactic” (the infiltration of other parties) would be crowned with success. The speaker then declared: “It is high time that our friends in the Bunde- 81 The Termites stag and the State Assemblies move from the back benches into the front rows.” 1T Nobody can predict when and under what circumstances such Nazi ambition will again become a factor in German politics. But extreme German nationalism has fewer obsta- cles to overcome in its return to power than were present dur- ing Hitler’s rise. The belief is that for the present, and as long as Adenauer stays at the helm, the comeback of an overt Nazi party is blocked by the decisions of the Federal Court and by an election law which says that only those parties shall be admitted to the Bundestag which either gain 5 percent of the total votes returned or directly elect three candidates in the districts. These roadblocks may be adequate for the moment, but they are not sufficient to deal with Nazism as a long-term disease. During the first decade of the Bonn Republic the neo- Nazis have scored considerable propaganda achievements. Twelve years ago they set out with a rousing cry to free all war criminals, not only those serving their time in Germany but also those convicted in Russia, France, Holland, and the other countries in Europe. They put the Adenauer adminis- tration under heavy pressure to gain official support in forc- ing the Western powers to yield to their demands. Today almost all war criminals have been set free. At the moment of this writing only three leading Nazis are held in Spandau and a handful in France and Holland.* The probability is that they also will be released in the near future. • According to an AP dispatch of May 10, 1958, the last four of the 1,500 Nazi war criminals held in Landsberg prison were finally released. Now the Right- ist press demands the immediate release of the last three major war criminals in Spandau — Rudolf Hess, deputy of Der Fuehrer, Baldur von Schirach, one of Hitler’s youth leaders, and Albert Speer, Hitler’s munitions czar. A com- mittee of ex-Nazis was formed to promote the Nobel Peace Prize for Rudolf Hess. Claims to the prize were based on Hess’s personal courage in flying to England during the war and attempting to talk the British into a negotiated peace (Der Fortschritt, December 19, 1957). 82 Germany Today Having scored these successes, the Nazis have become bolder in their program: They foster the spiritual preparation of the youth for a return to the Nazi ideals. They have encouraged the belief that Nazism was “a good idea” and that Hitler failed only because he was “stabbed in the back by traitors.” They relentlessly attack the democratic forces in Ger- many by using the labels “traitor” and “collaborationist” loosely against true democrats. They demand full reparation for all the hardships suf- fered by Nazis and SS men who were interned after the war, and by expellees who were driven from their homes in the Eastern territories. They propose the end of all restitutions and reparations to Jewish and other victims of Nazi persecution. They advocate the “restoration of German honor” which was “besmirched and trampled upon by the victorious Jewish-Bolshevik war coalition.” They have launched an active fight against the Western “war-guilt lie.” They call for mass rejection of the “big Western lie about alleged Nazi atrocities.” They have started counterpropaganda which condemns the “war crimes committed by the Allies” and “the shame- ful postwar crime of Nuremberg.” They insist on the return of the “stolen territories” in the East, including the Sudetenland which they want in- corporated into a restored German Reich. They support a foreign policy in the East with the aim of turning the present cold war to Germany’s fullest advan- tage. They demand an end of all legal measures imposed by the victorious Allies against former Nazis and SS men, and 83 The Termites an unrestricted return of these to public office and the ranks of the new German army. This neo-Nazi propaganda is broadcast through the ultra- Rightist press, from the highbrow neo-Nazi monthlies with a few thousand subscribers to the fire-eating expellee weeklies with circulations up to and above 100,000.* According to the Sueddeutsche Zeitung of April 18, 1959, the various expellee papers alone, weeklies and fortnightlies, have a combined circulation of more than a million. Also of great influence are several Rightist publishing houses which carry on a thriving business with an ever-increasing flood of war mem- oirs. On the best-seller list are books by former Nazi leaders, such as the writings of Rudolf Hess, Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop, and the party “scholar,” Alfred Rosenberg. There are self-justifying reports by ex-Gestapo officials and former Wehrmacht commanders. A booklet published in huge editions had the significant title Hitler Acquitted. In 1956 the conservative Stuttgarter Nachrichten reported that a “tidal wave of fascist literature is flooding the Federal Republic.” 18 The outpouring of neo-Nazi books and pam- phlets had reached such alarming proportions that in order “to combat this upsurge, an anti-fascist committee of German writers, educators and booksellers has been organized on a nation-wide basis.” The group, the Gruenwald Circle, took its name from a suburb of Munich where many of its found- ers live. Among its leading personalities are Hans Werner • Among several dozen militant Rightist monthlies and weeklies these are most often mentioned: Nation Europa, Der Reichsruf, Der Ring, Wiking-Ruf, Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung, Deutscher Aufbruch, Die Deutsche Freiheit, Der Freiwillige, Der Stahlhelm, Der Notweg, Deutsche Stimmen, Deutschland Brief, Deutsche Gemeinschaft, Der Volksbote, Der Sudeten Deutsche, and Such- licht. The rabble-rousing paper Die Anklage is at present defunct and its publisher has been sentenced to a two-year jail term. The Nazi monthly Der Weg, published in Buenos Aires, had 16,000 subscribers in Germany on its mailing list. It is now defunct. 84 Germany Today Richter, a Bavarian writer, Dr. Rudolf Pechel, chief editor of the South German Radio, and Juergen Aggebrecht, di- rector of the North German Radio Network. According to a New York Times report, the committee found that twenty publishing houses, about thirty book guilds, and forty-five periodicals “were solely devoted to dissemination of Rightist radical material.” 19 Its specialists, says the report, “compiled a list of 200 book titles, published in the last two years, which fit the classification of pro-Nazi or neo-Nazi.” The effects of this propaganda are clearly reflected in the various public opinion polls. Two highly respected public opinion institutes (the Emnid Agency and the Institute for Demoskopie) found that the great majority of the German people still believe that Nazism “was a good idea badly car- ried out.” In 1953 the Reaction Analysis Staff of the U. S. High Commission in Germany reported that only 24 percent of the population regarded themselves as actively opposed to Nazism. 20 Only a third of the population considers Germany responsible for the war. In 1953 only 17 percent were in agreement with denazification measures, 23 percent consid- ered them “wrongly executed,” and 40 percent opposed them as “harmful and undersirable.” 21 In 1955 a poll taken by the Emnid Agency revealed that 14 percent of the electorate would still vote for Hitler. Public opinion polls in 1958 showed that 42 percent of the population still regarded Hit- ler as “the greatest statesman of all times,” and the Swiss news- paper Die Weltwoche came to the conclusion that “60 per- cent of the population in West Germany are of questionable political morality.” 22 On the basis of these polls only a quarter of the population of West Germany can be safely counted as democratic. There are at least 7,000,000 to 8,000,000 (16-18 percent of the popu- lation) who must be regarded as fanatical supporters of old Nazi concepts. The great majority in the middle are still favorably inclined to the Nazi past. 85 The Termites There is even the danger that a new Nazi party might legally come into power again. At the beginning of 1958 Bonn canceled the Allied occupation law which had banned the Nazi party and all its affiliates. The basic law of the Federal Republic is no barrier to a Nazi comeback, because once a willing court interprets a new political shift as in “ac- cord with the democratic procedure,” everything will be legal. The neo-Nazis are obviously aware of such opportunities. In 1958 the former Nazi official, Wilhelm Meinberg, chair- man of the Deutsche Reichs party, ridiculed Bonn’s efforts to minimize the Nazi strength. He contemptuously remarked that “when our opponents one day realize that they know very little, it will be too late.” 2S This is exactly what happened to the Weimar Republic — the democratic factions were badly mistaken about the nature of Hitler’s ambitions until the very day he came to power. The Nazi underground, as well as the conspicuous neo- Nazis, must be regarded as well-trained political shock troops. In recent years they have even come out in a show of strength by reviving the old Brown-Shirt tactics which marked Hitler’s ascent to power. On several occasions the neo-Nazi parties have brought out uniformed goon squads to rough up opposition speakers, disturb meetings of other parties, or create anti-Semitic outbursts. Such incidents are seldom reported in the foreign press. An exception was a big rally of the German party in West Berlin where Transpor- tation Minister Hans-Christoph Seebohm gave a high-pitched nationalistic speech before ten thousand fanatical followers. The turbulent meeting showed all the old-style Nazi trim- mings: shouting of anti-Semitic epithets, uniformed strong- arm bouncers, beating up of political opponents, and threat- ening of foreign correspondents. 24 Similar disturbances were reported during the election campaign of 1957, when groups of Rightist hooligans dis- 86 Germany Today rupted meetings. 25 A year later, young students were severely beaten by neo-Nazis at a meeting in Hamburg, “with the police in the role of passive onlookers.” 26 The political stability of the Bonn Republic is slowly be- ing undermined by millions of unreconstructed Ehemaliger —”old fighters” — who at present give lip service to democ- racy, but are deeply committed to long-term plans for a Nazi comeback and a new strong leader. They dream of a mili- tary establishment with supermodern weapons, and of a Germany-dominated Europe, free to throw its weight, “at the right moment,” either to the East or the West in order to regain for Germany the status of a great world power. 8 The Honorable SS The cobblestones echoed with the strutting steps of six thousand men of Hitler’s Waffen SS, who marched with military precision through the narrow streets of the historic town of Verden. On this bright autumn day in 195? they were staging a rally to honor the “great tradition” of the Waf- fen SS.* They did not sport their black uniforms or the emblem of skull and crossbones. Their jackboots did not pound to the arrogant tune, “Today We Own Germany, Tomorrow the Whole World.” Yet, barely seven years after the war, the SS was marching again, completely ignoring defeat, Allied occupation, and their own infamous record. In 1946, after carefully probing the most notorious acts committed by Hitler’s so-called “Elite Guard,” the Inter- national Military Tribunal at Nuremberg declared the en- tire SS a “criminal organization.” A few years later, and with Germany still under Allied occupation, thousands of former • The following account of the Ramcke incident was taken from many German and foreign-language newspapers, among them Die Zeit, October 30, Die Welt, October 28, and the Daily Mail (Paris), October 27, 1952. 88 Germany Today members o£ the SS were back as police officials, administra- tors, judges, teachers, and burghermasters. With the plan- ning of a European army for NATO, Hitler’s Waffen SS felt the time was ripe to regain lost territory. They insisted on “rehabilitation” and full pensions, and they demanded that former SS men be admitted into the ranks of the newly created German army. It was chiefly for this purpose that the ex-SS men had as- sembled for their first reunion in the town of Verden. Led by the SS Generals Herbert Gille and Felix Steiner, several thousand officers and men gathered under the traditional banners of such divisions as Gross Deutschland, Viking, Das Reich, and the Death’s-Head. There were also several hun- dred men, each standing six to seven feet tall, who rallied un- der a poster bearing the initials L.A.H. Inquiring news- papermen were informed that the abbreviation stood for “Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler,” the guard regiment for the protection of Der Fuehrer. Here was the cream of the sworn community of Treuegefolgschaft— -loyal followers — of Adolf Hitler. They had all gathered for two days in Verden under the pretext of conducting a “search for missing comrades” and to exchange reminiscences of the old “happy days.” Their leader, SS General Gille, had assured the Bonn au- thorities that the SS men would not indulge in noisy, na- tionalistic provocations. Indeed, in his speech Gille pledged the support of the Waffen SS to the Bonn Republic and de- clared that “they were ready to do their duty for the Father- land.” This first public rehearsal for rehabilitation would prob- ably have worked out according to plan had not an unexpected event changed the whole program. The guest speaker, short and stubby paratroop commander Major General Hermann Ramcke, was scheduled to “convey the greetings” of the Fallschirmjaeger (paratroopers), another tough Nazi outfit. Unfortunately Ramcke did not follow 89 The Honorable SS the script too closely. Instead of bringing greetings from the paratroopers, he attacked the Allies with an avalanche of denunciations. “Who are the war criminals?” was Ramcke’s inciting rhe- torical question. “Certainly not the men who were put on the blacklists by the Allies during the Nuremberg Trials. Things are changing fast, and the time will soon come when the members of the Waffen SS will again have the first place on history’s honor list as the defenders of Europe.” There was a deafening roar which took minutes to subside. “Listen,” Ramcke shouted, “the real war criminals are those who created the Versailles Treaty and enslaved the German people . . . they are those who bombed to rubble our towns and cities like Dresden . . . they are those who dropped the atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki . . . and they are those who stabbed us in the back when we were defending Europe against the Bolsheviks.” According to the New York Times, Ramcke’s words were received with “clamorous applause by the assembled veter- ans.” He then proceeded to name the “real” war criminals: Roosevelt, Churchill, Eisenhower. When he mentioned Eisen- hower, many in the crowd joined in shouting “Der Schweine- hund! Der Schweinehund! — the dirty swine.” Thus ended the first step toward rehabilitation “with an explosion un- matched in the furor over the emergence of German veterans’ groups in politics.” 1 When, in 1952, General Ramcke raised the question, “Who are the real war criminals?” he was promptly answered by two historians, working independently in London and Paris, who almost simultaneously brought out two thick volumes containing the infamous record of Hitler’s SS. 2 The facts about this crime machine were clearly established during the many months of trial procedure before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg during 1945 and 1946. The 90 Germany Today evidence was obtained from thousands of top secret German documents captured by the Allies. These documents and rec- ords have been printed in dozens of volumes.* In addition, the Allied armies found the torture tools, the gas chambers, and the human furnaces which the SS had used in the liqui- dation of millions of men, women, and children. In the concentration camps the swift-moving Allied troops found corpses and bodies mingled by the thousands and tens of thousands — corpses dead for days and bodies almost dead. Photographs were taken which were introduced as evidence during the trials, together with the sworn affidavits. Here is the report of an American correspondent who saw the inferno with his own eyes immediately after the Nazi col- lapse and who saw it again when the films were run off in the courtroom: The camp at Leipzig is first; and then we see Penig and Nord- hausen and Hadamar and Dachau and Belsen and Mauthausen and Buchenwald and half a dozen more. And they are all alike, for the impression we get is an endless river of white bodies flow- ing across the screen, bodies with ribs sticking out through chests, with pipestem legs and battered skulls and eyeless faces and grotesque thin arms reaching for the sky. To many of us in the press gallery, these bodies are no strangers. We have seen them before and also smelled them, and it is queer how many of us imagine we smell them again. . . . There is no end to the bodies, tumbling bodies and bodies in mounds, and single bodies with holes between the eyes, and bodies being shoved over cliffs into common graves, and bodies pushed like dirt by giant bulldozers, and bodies that are not bodies at all, but charred bits of bones and flesh lying upon a crematory grate made of bits of steel rail laid upon blackened wooden ties. •According to the New York Times Magazine of September 12, 1954, there were “38,000 affidavits, signed by 155,000 people; several tons of Alfred Rosen- berg’s records; 485 tons of the German Foreign Office papers, and the complete files of Heinrich Himmler, containing horrifying reports of the systematic mass slaughters committed by the Gestapo.” 91 The Honorable SS Now another body is shoved over a cliff into an open ditch by a bulldozer which the British called into use because there were so many dead lying around they were a menace to the living. And this body is not quite buried by the dirt, and it shines white here and there, a bony leg sticking out and one arm outstretched. 3 The SS ran more than three hundred concentration camps; in the occupied East were several of the largest death facto- ries. How many millions were liquidated through torture, beatings, bullets, gassing, starvation, and exhaustion? The figures available are truly staggering. In one death factory alone, Auschwitz-Birkenau, between 4,000,000 and 5,000,000 people were exterminated in the gas chambers. Here is an excerpt from the testimony given by Rudolf Hoess, a Nazi party member since 1922, who joined the SS in 1934 and was appointed Commandant of Auschwitz on May 1, 1940: I commanded Auschwitz until December 1, 1943, and estimate that at least 2,500,000 victims were executed there by gassing and burning, and at least another 500,000 succumbed to starvation and disease, making a total of 3,000,000. This represents about 70-80 percent of all persons sent to Auschwitz, the remainder having been selected and used for slave labor in the camp indus- tries. … I was ordered to establish extermination facilities at Auschwitz in June 1941. At that time there were already in the General Government three other extermination camps: Balzek, Treblinka and Wolzek. . . . When I set up the extermination building at Auschwitz, I used Cyclon B, which was a crystallized prussic acid which we dropped into the death chamber from a small opening. It took from three to fifteen minutes to kill the people in the death chamber, depending upon the climatic condi- tions. We knew when the people were dead because their scream- ing stopped. After the bodies were removed, our Special Com- mandos took off the rings and extracted the gold from the teeth of the corpses. Another improvement we made over Treblinka was that we built our gas chambers to accommodate 2,000 people at one time, whereas at Treblinka their ten gas chambers only accommodated 200 each. The way we selected our victims was as 92 Germany Today follows: we had two SS doctors on duty to examine incoming transports. The prisoners would be marched past the physicians who would make spot decisions as they walked by. Those who were fit for work were sent into the camp. Others were sent imme- diately to the extermination plants. Children of tender years were invariably exterminated, since by reason of their youth they were unable to work. 4 In his long affidavit Rudolf Hoess admitted the gassing of “400,000 Hungarian Jews alone in the summer of 1944-” But there were hundreds of thousands of Jews and other nationals shipped from all over Europe to the improved plants in Auschwitz-Birkenau. The wife of a Hungarian Jewish doc- tor, who served as a nurse in a lice-infested barrack, provides us with the following account: I have the figures only for the months of May, June and July, 1944. Dr. Pasche, a French doctor of the Sonderkommando, in the crematory, who was in a position to gather statistics on the rate of the extermination, provided me with these: May, 1944 June, 1944 From the 1st to the 26th of July, 1944 360,000 512,000 442,000 1,314,000 In less than a quarter of a year the Germans had “liquidated” more than 1,300,000 persons at Auschwitz-Birkenau! 5 Auschwitz was a death camp used chiefly for the extermina- tion of Jews in East and Southeast Europe. But we must add to the Auschwitz total the “production” figures of the other camps, such as Treblinka, where each of the ten gas chambers accommodated “only” two hundred victims. With the crema- tories going full blast day and night, one must conservatively figure the total “output” of the gas chambers in the neigh- borhood of nine million. 93 The Honorable SS With the gas chambers running at peak production most of the time, the corpses were often piled high outside the crematories. In order to overcome these bottlenecks, corpses by the thousands were burned in open pits. 6 The man in charge of arresting and transporting the Jews to the various death factories was the SS Colonel Adolf Eichmann who played a major role in implementing Hitler’s “Final Solution.” As head of a special department in the SS Main Security Office, Eichmann organized large-scale man hunts all over Europe. For him the mass killing of Jews was a businesslike affair. The SS commander of Auschwitz testi- fied that he received this order from Eichmann: “Without pity and in cold blood, we must complete the extermination.” A witness before the Nuremberg court testified that a few months before the German collapse Eichmann boasted to his SS friend Dieter Wisliceny: “I will jump into my grave laughing, because the fact that I have the death of five mil- lion Jews on my conscience gives me extraordinary satisfac- tion.” * Captured by the Americans, Eichmann remained unrecog- nized. Like many others before him, he escaped from an internment camp with false identification papers. Postwar rumors reported Eichmann as living in Argentina, being a police official in Nasser’s Egypt, and having been seen in the British protectorate Kuwait. In May i960 an announcement by Israeli Prime Minister Ben-Gurion that avengers had captured this number-one butcher in Argentina caused a world-wide sensation. The abduction of Eichmann created a temporary rift between Israel and Argentina. Eichmann’s trial before an Israeli court has dramatized for the world the inconceivable horror of Hitler’s “Final Solution.” How many Jews and non-Jews perished in Hitler’s exter- mination camps? We know from the correspondence between Hitler’s assistant, Viktor Brack, department chief in the • IMT (Nuremberg Trials record), III, 388, and Affidavit C. 94 Germany Today Fuehrer’s Chancellery, and Heinrich Himmler, Reichs- fuehrer of the SS, that in 1941 there was “a total of some 10,000,000 Jews” in Nazi-conquered Europe. Of this number, 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 men and women were considered well able to work. The rest were earmarked for the “Final Solu- tion,” that is, violent death, as it had been decided in the notorious Gross- Wansee conference on January 8, 1942. When Germany was overrun by the Allied armies in the spring of 1945, they found only scattered remnants, mostly living skeletons, of the 10,000,000 Jews. It is difficult to make an accurate breakdown of how many people were shot by SS firing squads, how many died in gas chambers, and how many perished from exhaustion, disease, and undernourishment. There is little doubt, however, that more than half of the 10,000,000 Jews died in the gas cham- bers, together with a few million other nationals. Approxi- mately 2,000,000 died in the indescribable massacres of the SS Einsatzkommandos (Special Task Forces), in Gestapo cel- lars, and through the ill-famed “medical experiments.” The rest succumbed in labor camps and on transports. The fore- going figures may still be an understatement. A German study group gave the staggering figure of 35,000,000 noncombatants who perished under the impact of war and occupation in East- ern Europe alone. Germany started the aggressive war with the aim of mak- ing the Germanic race masters of the globe. What Hitler envisioned in Mein Kampf as Germanische Weltherrschaft was a declaration of war against all other races. At the top of Hitler’s list of inferior races were the Jews. Yet it is too often forgotten in the West that the extermination of the Jews in Europe was only to be a prelude for much more drastic action, a contemplated crime many times greater than that committed against the Jews. Hitler’s long-range aim was the total destruction of the almost 300,000,000 people belonging to the Slavic race. The Fuehrer’s fantastic plan 95 The Honorable SS was the creation of a world empire, grouped around a pure Germanic Lebensraum stretching from the Atlantic coast to far beyond the Ural Mountains. In order to achieve this goal, the Hitler-Himmler scheme called for a merciless race war against the Slavic peoples of the East. The German high command had hoped to crush the Soviet armies in a three- month blitzkrieg, and then, in Hitler’s own words, they would be able “to cut up the giant cake according to our own needs.” Had the Germans succeeded with their plans they would have carried out a diabolical scheme of “resettlement” and of “special treatment” which would have caused the death of a couple of hundred million Poles, Czechs, Ukrainians, and Russians. The German conquerors intended to strip the East, as in fact they did, of all industry, and they would have sterilized the remaining peasant population and forced it into slave labor for the German overlords. A few weeks before the impending attack on the U.S.S.R., the experts on Goer- ing’s staff decided that “many tens of millions of people in this area will become redundant and will either die or have to emigrate to Siberia.” 7 The conservative diplomat Baron Konstantin von Neurath suggested to Hitler that “half of the Czech population be de- prived of its power, eliminated and shipped out of the coun- try . . . the other half used as forced labor” and gradually “Germanized.” 8 Even after the defeat of Stalingrad, Himmler still ex- pressed the hope that the Nazis could develop a Germanic Lebensraum populated with “a total of 600 to 700 millions, and with an outpost area stretching in a hundred years be- yond the Urals.” 9 The task of destroying the vanquished and building up the biological strength of the master race was given to the SS. To achieve both goals SS chief Himmler created a laby- rinth of organizations, each serving a special purpose. There 96 Germany Today were SS departments entrusted with the methodical destruc- tion of “inferior” races, and there were medical SS groups experimenting with the most effective means for mass sterili- zation of millions in order to curtail the propagation of non- German races. On the other hand, there were such SS en- terprises as Lebensborn, Ahnenerbe, and Heu-Aktion, whose aim was to facilitate the build-up of a tough German soldier elite, tightly controlled by the SS. The Lebensborn ran a chain of state-subsidized breeding establishments, where Hitler Youth leaders and SS men had to function as stallions. Girls in the female Hitler Youth (BDM) were encouraged to bear as many children as possible out of wedlock to con- tribute “to a German biological victory on the baby front.” * The children born under the Lebensborn program had to be reared and educated by the state. Ahnenerbe was a. gigantic scheme to curtail other races and to “Germanize” the conquered territories by building a vast network of large soldier homesteads where millions of slave laborers were kept under strictist control. Under the code word “Heu-Aktion,” a large-scale kidnapping expedi- tion was launched in 1944, during which tens of thousands of children, preferably blonds, were taken away from their parents by force and distributed among German peasants who were ordered to rear them as “German” children. The idea was to make up quickly the severe losses of man power which the German armies had suffered on the Eastern plains. The record of the SS has been presented by the Oxford scholar Gerald Reitlinger in his expertly documented book dealing with the SS. 10 He shows how out of the original Schutzstaffeln (a small bouncer squad to protect the Nazi rallies during the twenties) a huge party army grew within a * The neo-Nazi monthly Nation Europa in its issue for July 1959 praises the Lebensborn breeding farms as one of the “outstanding biological institutions” of the SS which became “a victim of the destructive hatred of the Morgenthau victors in 1945.” 97 The Honorable SS few years, in which each man was pledged by “blood oath” to stand loyally behind the Fuehrer. On the domestic scene, the terroristic Gestapo ruled su- preme and forced the opposing political groups to support the Nazi regime. Special formations of the SS operated the concentration camps and death factories, others organized large-scale man hunts to get a steady supply for Germany’s always hungry slave labor camps. Finally, there were the ruth- less Einzatzgruppen, which shot Jews, prisoners of war, and Polish and Russian peasants by the millions. To carry out international espionage and conspiracy the SS had its own intelligence organization, the Sicherheits- dienst (SD), which also ran a highly efficient department for mass forgery of foreign bank notes and passports. In addition, the SS had its own economic branch, which ran a vast chain of factories, trade corporations, night clubs (in Germany and abroad) — for corruption and espionage — and a string of high- class and mediocre brothels. For the looting of Europe the SS had a special organiza- tion, designed to strip foreign countries of industry and raw materials. There were expert detachments which swarmed like locusts over the Continent in order to seize every piece of art and jewelry and ship it to Germany. It is estimated that the SS, by stealing the property of the Jews and by plundering Europe, acquired billions of dollars’ worth of valuables, of which a large part was brought to neutral coun- tries for safekeeping. The gigantic structure of the Nazi regime had its back- bone in the thirty-six divisions of the Waffen SS which, ex- cellently armed, was the nightmare of all occupied Europe. The Waffen SS is credited with the mass shooting of hostages in all subjugated nations and with such brutal massacres as that of Lidice, which was obliterated, and Oradour in France, where the SS shot and burned 645 women and children in a church. The destruction of the Warsaw ghetto and the 98 Germany Today Malmedy mass murder of American G.I.s during the Battle of the Bulge are also on the Waffen SS “honor” list. Although not part of the Wehrmacht, the Waffen SS fre- quently did front-line duty, especially in the years when the fortunes of war had turned against the Axis. But the chief task of the Waffen SS was to serve as a party watchdog in case some of the Generals played with the idea of an insurrection. It was the SS at home and in the occupied countries that quickly suppressed the anti-Hitler putsch of July 20, 1944. What was the make-up of the SS, and what type of people flocked to this criminal organization? There was at the top the so-called “Honor SS,” composed of thousands of mem- bers of the aristocratic and industrial upper crust, of high diplomats, party bigwigs, and the intellectual elite, such as university professors, judges, a few Protestant pastors, Cath- olic priests,* artists, writers, and leading men of the medical and scientific professions. Some respected figures of medical science played a particularly obnoxious role in the vast crime network of the SS. This came to light during the 139 trial days of the Nuremberg “Doctors’ Trial” in 1947. Only twenty-three out of hundreds of such criminals were charged with “murders, tortures, and other atrocities committed in the name of medical science [during which] hundreds of thousands were slaughtered outright or died in the course of the tortures to which they were subjected.” Seven of the defendants were sentenced to death and hanged, others re- ceived long prison terms. 11 The rank and file of the SS were filled with middle-class businessmen, students, teachers, ex-officers, police, and civil service officials. A large number of enthusiastic Hitler Youths volunteered for the SS, eager to serve the Fuehrer and the * During the Nuremberg Trials the defense counsel for the SS established the fact that the Roman Catholic Archbishop Groeber of Freiburg, a highly re- spected member of the hierarchy, had joined the SS (Bernstein, Final Judg- ment, p. 47). 99 The Honorable SS glorious future of the Fatherland. There were misguided idealists, sadists, convicted criminals, and normal small-town burghers. The bulk was made up of the riffraff recruited from every corner of Germany and Europe. One million members of this criminal organization are today scattered throughout Germany, many of them in public offices as administrators, judges, police officials, and burgher- masters; others are busy as doctors, dentists, resort directors, hotel managers, and headwaiters. These men do not look like monsters. You will find them as pleasant travel companions in trains and airplanes, and you will meet them as solid businessmen in the offices of industrial firms and in banking institutions. The important fact is that the Bonn authorities have done nothing to prevent the SS from becoming active again. To- day every German city and town has a local SS group that has weekly meetings and larger regional rallies every few months. The SS organization calls itself HIAG, the German abbrevia- tion for “mutual assistance.” Foreign correspondents have re- ported that at all HIAG meetings Nazi propaganda is car- ried on under pretense of giving assistance to veterans and their families. Of all the neo-Nazi movements none has remotely ap- proached the vigor, drive, and fanaticism of the old SS, hid- ing today behind the HIAG label. In 1950, when Washing- ton showed its eagerness to create a new German army of 500,000 men, the SS, together with the old Wehrmacht of- ficers, started an all-out campaign for the immediate release of all war criminals. It was a superbly organized blackmail action, enjoying wide support from the public, from all parties, and carried toward success by Dr. Adenauer’s astute maneuverings. The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the whole problem with “parole,” “sick leave,” and other roundabout methods. The more the U. S. High Commission 100 Germany Today in Germany showed leniency, however, the stronger the pressure became: either “all so-called war criminals are re- leased or there will be no German army.” American diplo- mats followed Dr. Adenauer’s plan to feed the nationalistic monster piecemeal. Every few days we quietly released one or two more from prison — the Krupps, the I. G. Farben di- rectors, and dozens of former Wehrmacht Generals. On friendly advice from Washington, the British and French, extremely reluctant, had to follow suit. When the supply dried up, there remained behind bars only the SS, the mass murderers from Dachau, Belsen, and Buchenwald, and the toughs from the Waffen SS who had massacred American, British, and Canadian prisoners of war. This put High Com- missioner John McCloy in a most embarrassing position. He had carefully checked the records of the SS mass murders, and he had also observed the reaction of the German public which turned “squalid butchers into patriots and martyrs.” 12 In the spring of 1952 the president of the German Soldiers’ Federation, ex-General Hans Friesner, praised the “comrades from the Waffen SS” and demanded that “all of those still in prison must be released.” The New York Times of Jan- uary 5, 1952, reported from Bonn that the federal govern- ment found it “impossible to recruit desirable officers for the West German military contingents unless a substantial num- ber of war criminals are released from Allied jails.” On Aug- ust 16, 1952, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung noted that “the discussion about the war criminals gains more and more momentum.” Large sections of the German press, stirred by the propaganda in the SS paper, Wiking-Ruf, and the Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung, launched an attack against the Allies. Roosevelt and Churchill were almost daily branded as the real war criminals. Bundestag member Dr. Erich Mende, an influential politician in the Adenauer coalition, demanded the ultimate “release of all war criminals . . . whose acts were in no way different from those committed 101 The Honorable SS by the U.N. troops in Korea.” The Deutsche Soldaten Zeit- ung heaped abuse on the Allies and emphatically denied that the victors had any right to pass judgment on the van- quished. On August 14, 1952, the Soldaten Zeitung stated: “Only we Germans possess the highest moral right to argue these matters, without any interference from the outside.” The meaning of the drive to “restore the German honor” was clear: the reputation of the Nazi criminals had to be re- stored by proclaiming loudly what an idealistic and high- spirited organization the SS was, dedicated “to defend Europe and the world against Bolshevism” and to “take care of the scum of the earth,” the Jews, Communists, and other “un- desirable elements.” Why the constant criticism of the SS, the finest fighting force the world had ever seen? Never mind what happened during the war — any war is rough and ugly. Look at the British, “who invented the concentration camps during the Boer war,” the French in Indochina and North Africa, and the “atrocities committed by Americans in Korea.” The propaganda offensive aimed first at brain-washing its people into believing that no war crime had ever been com- mitted and that the Nuremberg Trials had been a hoax. The second objective was to force the Allies to ignore their own judicial position created at Nuremberg. Once this was ac- complished the Germans would gain an important base from which they could launch a broad offensive against the “real” war criminals. The story in brief is that the Western powers yielded on every point, that a shameful mockery was made of justice, and that the record of history was turned upside down. The Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung of August 28, 1952, pointed to the logic of the case: “If the Allied authorities during the last few years have been constantly freeing prisoners or reduc- ing the sentences against former German soldiers, it is but their clear admission that they regard the former sentences 102 Germany Today as untenable.” In other words, if the Allies felt that they had to show clemency, it proved that the trials and consequent sentences had only been evidences of revenge. When Dr. Adenauer first visited the United States in the spring of 1953, he insisted on a speedy re-examination of all sentences and pointed to “the strong pressure at home.” It was a few weeks later that he visited the war criminals at Werl and made his plea for “the poor devils of war crimi- nals.” Here again the Chancellor proved his genius for state- craft. In order to ease the embarrassment of the U. S. High Commissioner and the State Department, Dr. Adenauer sug- gested the formation of a review board, with three German members sitting in and having equal voice in making rec- ommendations. The whole procedure was to be shrouded in secrecy, and it was decided that the names of those released should not be revealed to the public. In this way the last few hundred “poor devils,” those SS mass killers and sadists, were quietly set free within two or three yeaTS. One of the esteemed Nazi alumni is General Curt Meyer, “Panzer” Meyer, who once had commanded the Hitler Youth division of the SS. During the Normandy fighting his SS troops had savagely executed Canadian prisoners of war. On the basis of ample evidence, Panzer Meyer was sentenced to death by a Canadian military court. His sentence later commuted to life imprisonment, he was released in 1954 and welcomed as a hero in Germany. Soon thereafter Meyer was installed as chief of HIAG. Since his release from prison, Panzer Meyer has worked hard to keep the old SS spirit alive. His speeches are undisguised Nazi propaganda in which he exhorts his audiences to work for the resurrection of “our holy German Reich.” He misses no opportunity to lambaste the Allies for their “brutal policy, which stands without parallel among civilized nations.” 13 Another illuminating case is that of Sepp Dietrich, the organizer of the Fuehrer’s bodyguard. Dietrich carried out 103 The Honorable SS Hitler’s personal murder assignments, such as the assassi- nation of Roehm in 1934, for which Hitler promoted him to the rank of SS General.* Sepp Dietrich was in charge of the liquidation of the Jewish population in the city of Kharkov. During the Battle of the Bulge his troops committed the Malmedy massacre, killing more than 600 military and civil- ian prisoners, among them 115 American G.I.s. He was sentenced to death, and the sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. In 1955 he was one of the last “poor devils” quietly released from prison and greeted by the Bonn government with the homecoming pay of 6,000 marks. When his release became known in the United States, the New York Post of October 28, 1955, remarked sarcastically: “We are in the process of trying to liquidate all German memories of that international unpleasantness known as World War II.” Belatedly it was recognized that Washington’s policy of leniency was a bad mistake. Angry protests came from U.S. veterans’ organizations, from large Jewish groups, and from papers in France and Britain. The New Statesman and Na- tion of April 3, 1954, stated the essence of the case when it emphasized that it was Bonn’s policy to bring the Western powers to the point where they must “cease to treat the leaders of the Wehrmacht as war criminals.” The editorial described Bonn’s strategy: “The concept of German war crimes must be expunged from the historical records. . . . To Germans, and particularly Army officers and civil serv- ants, this issue of German honor is all-important.” There is no doubt that by restoring the German honor we have also restored the honor of the SS. By giving in to the * Ernst Roehm was chief of Hitler’s Brown-Shirt army (SA), whose noisy street brawls terrorized the Weimar Republic and finally brought Hitler to power. The assassination of Roehm and a few hundred other Brown-Shirt leaders broke the back of the SA and opened the way for Himmler and the SS to be- come the Praetorian Guard of the Nazi party. 104 Germany Today German demand that we release all war criminals, we have expunged, at least in German eyes, all war crimes, including those committed by the SS. The implications of this policy are far-reaching. The German people today feel free of any guilt. What remains to be discussed, they believe, are only the real war crimes, those committed by the Allies.* What is really disturbing is the attitude of the German people. The public has completely swallowed the propaganda slogans of the SS. In a dispatch from Bonn, the New York Times reported on November 26, 1954: “A large propor- tion, and possibly a majority of the German people, and mem- bers of the Bundestag, do not accept the doctrine of German war guilt.” It is a long way from the Nuremberg War Crime Trials to the “restoration of the German honor.” In 1946, under the impact of the evidence, at least one of the leading Nazi crim- inals repented in open court. It was Hans Frank, the op- pressor of Poland, who answered the question “Have you ever participated in the destruction of Jewry?” with the fol- lowing significant words: We have fought against Jewry . . . and we have allowed our- selves to make utterances — and my own diary has become a wit- ness against me — utterances which are terrible. It is my duty — my only duty — therefore to answer your question with “Yes.” A thousand years will pass and this guilt of Germany will still not be erased. Postwar events have proved Hans Frank grossly in error. Only five years were required to erase the guilt and to per- vert the truth. “There never was a German war crime,” shout the neo-Nazi propagandists. The forty-two volumes of trial records, the testimony, and the tons of incriminating Ger- * Several books and thousands of articles have been published in Germany about “Allied war crimes,” about the “Nuremberg crime,” and about Roose- velt as a war criminal. 105 The Honorable SS man documents simply do not exist. Today the SS is march- ing again. Ten years of skillful propaganda have created a new legend: The SS was not the terror of Europe but the “heroic defender of Western civilization.” 9 Old Soldiers Never Die . . . A few years ago the following story was reported in the German prqss. An ex-Wehrmacht General, sentenced by the Soviets as a war criminal, was released after twelve years of captivity. When he arrived in the West German reception camp of Friedland, he was met by a Colonel who had once served on his staff. After an exuberant reunion they settled down in a quiet corner to reminisce. The General wanted to know how some of the other senior officers had fared after the great collapse. “How did Admiral Doenitz make out?” was his first question. The Colonel stared in amazement. “Doenitz? He is serving in Spandau!” “In Spandau? What is the Admiral doing in Spandau?” “Don’t you know that Doenitz is doing time in the Spandau prison? He got ten years as a so-called war criminal! ” “Oh yes! Of course, of course. They sent him to prison. But what happened to Rommel’s Chief of Staff, that brainy General Hans Speidel?” 107 Old Soldiers Never Die . . . “Speidel is sitting in Paris.” * “So he is doing time in Paris! How many years did he get?” “No! He is not in prison! Speidel is serving as the top commander of the ground forces of NATO!” “Oh, he is with NATO— hmm, with NATO! But what happened to that daredevil of the SS, that young General — what was his name — Meyer? Panzer Meyer?” “Panzer Meyer came back from Canada last year.” “Serving with the NATO forces there?” “No! Not with NATO! He was doing time in a Canadian prison.” “Oh, doing time in prison! Poor chap! But what happened to our last Chief of Operation, General Heusinger?” “Er sitzt in Bonn — he is sitting in Bonn.” “You mean doing time in prison?” “No, no! He is the top General in the Ministry of De- fense.” There was a moment of puzzled silence. Then the General slowly rose and began to walk away. “Where are you going?” shouted the Colonel. “Looking for an insane asylum,” answered the thoroughly bewildered General. He added: “If this makes sense, then either the world is crazy or I am.” The story of the return of the General illustrates the mood of utter confusion prevalent among the great majority of Wehrmacht officers in the postwar years. Some Generals were behind bars, denounced as war criminals. Others had been placed in commanding positions and were honored as de- fenders of Western civilization. Had not every one of them participated in the same crime, first under the Kaiser, then under Hitler? Twice in a lifetime they had tried to conquer the world. Armed with the world’s mightiest steamroller, • The German colloquialism er sitzt has a double meaning: “he is doing time” and “he is sitting pretty.” 108 Germany Today they won great battles, and each time early victories made them heady. Yet in the end they suffered humiliating defeat. In 1945 they knew they were doomed. They had all been accessories to a gigantic crime of unprovoked aggression, wholesale looting, and unbelievable mass murder. They had shaped the Wehrmacht as an instrument to conquer countries and continents, with but one objective: to create German Lebensraum. They were the brains behind Prussia’s military machine, molded by a century-old tradition. Their gods were Frederick the Great, Scharnhorst, Clausewitz, and Bis- marck. They had been steeped in the religion of “Might is Right” and “Deutschland ueber Alles.” Long before Hitler came on the scene they had worshipped General Count von Haeseler, who declared in a speech in 1893: “It is necessary that our civilization build its temple on mountains of corpses, on an ocean of tears and on the death cries of men without number.” A few years later the Pan-German paper Grenzbote (No. 48, 1896) stated in an editorial: “We teach that if the wel- fare of our Fatherland should require conquest, subjugation, dispossession, extermination of foreign nations, we must not be deterred by Christian or humanitarian qualms.” In July 1900 Emperor William II told his troops assigned to fight the Boxer Rebellion in China that they should be- have like Huns: “I shall take vengeance, the like of which the history of the world has never recorded. … I command you not to give quarter, not to take prisoners, and to kill every enemy. . . . Following the example of Attila and his Huns, I shall spread terror in East Asia that will be re- membered even after a thousand years.” Hitler brought nothing new to the Germans. When Otto Richard Tannenberg published his famous book Gross Deutschland in 1911, he proclaimed: “War must leave nothing to the vanquished but their eyes to weep with. Modesty on our part would be pure madness.” 109 Old Soldiers Never Die . . . In 1914 the Kaiser wrote Emperor Franz Joseph: “. . . everything must be put to fire and blood. The throats of men and women, children, and the aged must be cut and not a tree nor house left standing.” Respected German professors, politicians, pastors, and Generals wrote scores of books and articles proclaiming that “the name ‘barbarian’ is a badge of honor for the German Soldier.”* The official organ of the General Staff, Deutsche Wehr, predicted on June 13, 1935, that the coming war would be “full of indescribable atrocities”: In such a war there will no longer be any victors or vanquished, but only survivors and those whose names are stricken from the list of nations. . . . The elite lie torn to pieces and poisoned on the battlefields. The survivors, a mob without a leader, demoral- ized, broken in body and mind by unspeakable horror and suffer- ing, by terror without end, are at the complete mercy of the victor. Only a few years later the German General Staff executed this program to the letter. Millions of Jews were extermi- nated, and the Poles, Czechs, and even the Russians, although by far not yet conquered, were “stricken from the list of na- tions.” f For tactical reasons, other European countries were treated a little differently, but they were also at the “complete mercy of the victor.” After the war a number of German Field Marshals and hundreds of high-ranking Wehrmacht officers were found implicated in countless war crimes. Their signed orders * The foregoing were selected from hundreds of similar quotations published by the author in the booklet Know Your Enemy (New York, 1944). f The militarists were assisted in their schemes by the diplomats and legal experts. The Ribbentrop-controlled Monatshefte fuer Auswaertige Politik of September 1941 proclaimed prematurely the dissolution of the Soviet Union as a state and nation, “whereby all positive norms of international law have become void and inapplicable.” The author of the article was Ribbentrop’s legal expert, Dr. Wilhelm Grewe, a member of the Nazi party and later Bonn’s ambassador to Washington. 110 Germany Today proved that they were responsible for the mass shooting of civilians and prisoners of war, the burning of villages and towns, wholesale looting, and the deportation of millions to slave labor camps. Among the prominent military figures whose cases won the most attention in Germany were Field Marshals Erich von Manstein and Albert Kesselring. Both had fair trials before British courts. Kesselring was sentenced to death (his sentence was later commuted) for having ordered the shoot- ing of 335 hostages in the Ardeatina Grotta, near Rome, on March 24, 1944. Von Manstein was sentenced to eighteen years in prison for having ordered war crimes committed in Poland and Russia. Manstein’s army command worked closely with SS Colonel Otto Ohlendorf, who was hung for the mass shooting of 90,000 Jews and Russians. One of von Manstein’s corps commanders, General von Salmuth, dispatched 300 Wehrmacht soldiers with special instructions to assist Ohlen- dorf in the mass killing of thousands. 1 There were some officers and soldiers whose consciences were aroused by the indescribable scenes of marauding and slaughter. To keep these men in line, von Manstein, on November 24, 1941, issued the following order to his troops: The Jewish-Bolshevist system must be destroyed once and for all. It must never again infiltrate our European Lebensraum. Therefore, the German soldier is not only charged with destroy- ing the military might of this system. He also acts as an agent of the idea of racial supremacy. . . . The soldier must show under- standing for the necessity of severe revenge on Judaism, the spiritual carrier of the Bolshevist terror. This understanding is also essential in order to nip in the bud all uprisings, which are mainly instigated by Jews. Similar orders were given by the other army commanders, such as Field Marshals Gerd von Rundstedt and Walter von Reichenau. The latter told his troops on October 10, 1941: 111 Old Soldiers Never Die The soldier in the Eastern Territories is not merely a fighter according to the rules of the art of war but also the bearer of a ruthless national ideology . . . therefore the soldier must have understanding of the necessity of a severe but just revenge on subhuman Jewry. 2 Thus the German army commanders indoctrinated their soldiers with the idea that the systematic extermination of “subhuman Jewry” was essential to achieve racial supremacy and to secure German Lebensraum. Yet it is indicative of the spirit prevailing in present-day Germany that the over- whelming majority of the people believe that officers like von Manstein, Reichenau, and Kesselring kept the German honor intact. Times correspondent Arthur J. Olsen reported from Germany that von Manstein is held in the highest esteem in the new Bundeswehr, where he is regarded as “the most prestigious German soldier who survived the war [and who] emerged in the soldier’s view with honor in- tact.” 3 During the war the Allies had solemnly stipulated that it was their “inflexible purpose to destroy German militarism and Nazism and to insure that Germany will never again be able to disturb the peace of the world.” At Potsdam in August 1945 they decided that “all war veterans’ organiza- tions and all other military and quasi-military organizations, together with all clubs and associations which serve to keep alive the military tradition in Germany, shall be completely and finally abolished in such a manner as permanently to prevent the revival of reorganization of German militarism and Nazism.” In spite of this Allied resolution, some high SS and Wehrmacht officers in the POW camps soon began to form a closely knit secret organization, the so-called Brud- erschaft (Brotherhood). This organization flourished even during the American occupation, laying the plans for a German comeback. The Bruderschaft became the focal point for a vast network of pro-Nazi activities in and outside of the 112 Germany Today POW camps. Behind it was a well-financed underground, stretching all over Germany, with contacts in Italy, Spain, and Argentina. The Bruderschaft worked closely with an- other organization, the Kameraden Hilfswerk, especially designed for the legal defense and care of the war criminals. During the first two years of the occupation, the Bruder- schaft had to operate secretly. The inner circle, the Bruder- rat, was made up of some top SS functionaries and important officers from the General Staff. Among the leaders were the former commander of the Panzer Gross Deutschland division, Lieutenant General Kurt von Manteuffell; a high SS officer, Alfred Franke-Grieksch, who had once served in Himmler’s Reich’s Security Office; the former leader of the Hitler Youth, Gottfried Griessmayer; the ex-Gauleiter Lau- terbach, stationed in Italy and directing the external affairs of the Bruderschaft; and finally, the former Gauleiter Karl Kaufmann, a close link to Dr. Naumann and Dr. Achen- bach.* The question of German remilitarization came up as early as 1946, when Dr. Adenauer and the CDU politician Dr. Karl Spieker first made their suggestions for a European union based on an integrated European army. In the sum- mer of 1948, Dr. Adenauer submitted to U.S. authorities a secret memorandum proposing the implementation for re- arming twenty-five divisions. On July 30, 1948, the U. S. News and World Report carried the item: “U.S. military officials in Germany are talking in terms of a re-building of the German army as an offset to Russian strength in Europe.” Yet there were great difficulties in the way of German rear- mament. The French, the British, and the smaller European * The detailed story of the background and the activities of the Bruderschaft was given in lengthy articles which appeared in the National Zeitung in Basle, February 22, 1950; Wochen Zeitung of Zurich, March 2, 1950; and Stuttgarter Nachrichten, March 1, 1950. In the U.S. an informative article, “What Is Behind the Bruderschaft of German Officers,” was published in the magazine Prevent World War III, No. 35 (1950). 113 Old Soldiers Never Die . . . countries were in deadly fear of a revived militaristic Ger- many.* The outbreak of the Korean War (June 1950) brought a total change. The provisions which banned all military and veterans’ organizations lost all their meaning and were no longer enforced. Western Germany was allowed by the Allies to set up its own General Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank Office. Supported by Bonn and tolerated by the United States, a nation-wide network was created to reactivate the experienced officers and the man power of the old Wehr- macht. The short period of 1950-51 must be marked as the time when Hitler’s old officers, SS leaders, and party func- tionaries returned to positions of power and influence. With the eyes of the world directed toward the hectic events of the Korean conflict, and with cold war tensions mounting, the SS and Wehrmacht officers had an ideal smoke screen behind which to mobilize their forces. The political objective was a repeat performance of the alliance formed in 1930 between the Nazi party, the ultranationalists, and the Stahl- helm veterans, which two years later brought the downfall of the Weimar Republic. The figure behind this plan was Dr. Werner Naumann, who in 1950 found the situation sufficiently safe to allow him to emerge from his hiding place. Commanding a vast pool of old party connections from the Propaganda Ministry, the SS, the bureaucracy, and the Wehrmacht, Naumann was in an excellent position to make things move and to give advice on strategy and tactics. Through his close association with the corporation lawyer Dr. Achenbach, he was able to mobilize the financial resources of the industrial royalists on Rhine and Ruhr. Naumann was the directing spirit be- hind almost every organization and neo-Nazi publication that sprang up between 1950 and 1951. When the British * U. S. News of September 16, 1949: “Question of a German Army of 25 divi- sions, as privately urged by influential Germans, is to be postponed. It’s too hot to handle now.” 114 Germany Today handed over the evidence on the Naumann plot to the Bonn authorities in 1953, the Minister of Justice, Dr. Lehr, de- clared that “Dr. Naumann had pulled the strings from be- hind and used every opportunity to exert his political influ- ence over all veterans’ organizations.” 4 In July 1951, thirty former Generals and Admirals gath- ered in Bonn for a two-day conference, at which the “ques- tion of German rearmament was discussed.” 5 At that time, in addition to the SS HIAG, two other veterans’ organiza- tions had been founded. One was the Stahlhelm, an extreme nationalistic group; the other called itself the Deutscher Soldatenbund (Federation of German Soldiers), and im- mediately after its inception claimed a membership of 85,000. The spirit of both organizations was expressed in their selection of two convicted war criminals as honorary presidents. The Stahlhelm’s choice was Field Marshal Kes- selring, and the soldiers’ federation selected former Admiral Erich Raeder, who at that time was serving his sentence in the Spandau prison. More significant was the founding of numerous Traditions- verbaende representing former Wehrmacht divisions and special army groups, such as the Afrika Korps, the Navy League, and the paratroopers (known as the “Green Devils”). The ex-soldier organizations started off with noisy nation- alistic rallies. A few months later the U. S. High Commis- sioner noted the emergence of an “increased number of extreme Rightist and ultranationalist organizations.” He admitted that the highest-ranking officers of the Wehrmacht were back in politics, organizing the veterans and “stocking the merchandise of nationalism.” The High Commissioner noted with deep concern that “even some federal Ministers appear as nationalistic as the extremists.” 6 Among the many neo-Nazi and militaristic periodicals which came to life with the revival of the Wehrmacht tradi- tion, the Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung may be singled out for 115 Old Soldiers Never Die . . . closer scrutiny. Founded in 1951 by men who had once served the Nazi party chiefly in the Propaganda Ministry, the Soldaten Zeitung soon became the leading mouthpiece for the most aggressive elements within the Rightist move- ment.* The Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung (hereafter referred to as DSZ) has constantly featured and supported the views of such blatant Nazi propagandists as the ex-Generals Remer and Ramcke, and Hitler’s much-decorated air ace, Colonel Rudel. The story of the DSZ provides an excellent illustration of the mind of the German militarist. On the basis of hun- dreds of DSZ editorials and articles, the following may be summarized: Although professing support for Europe and NATO defense, every article reveals that the DSZ envisions a Europe more like that once blueprinted by the WafFen SS. The columns of the paper do not contain a single repudia- tion of Hitler’s regime, the Nazi doctrines, or the wanton aggressions against Germany’s neighbors; nor is there an outright condemnation of the crimes committed by the SS and the Wehrmacht. Almost every issue is filled with articles defending the Nazi past, glorifying “Prussia’s great soldierly tradition,” and praising the “honor of the SS.” The DSZ has relentlessly attacked the Nuremberg Trials as “revenge of the victors”; it appeared as the loudest voice in the chorus demanding the release of all war criminals; and it has branded Democrats and Social Democrats as “licensed ig45ers,” “traitors,” and “fellow travelers.” As its political objective the DSZ has peddled the old cliche of a powerful * Among the editors of the Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung during the past years were A. W. Uhlig and Dr. Hans Hagen, both former high officials in the Propaganda Ministry, and Dr. Wilhelm Spenler and Werner Strecker, both former SS officers. The present editor-in-chief is Erich Kernmeyer (alias Kern), the author of several best-selling books glorifying the Nazi past. Under Hitler, Kernmeyer was the leading press official in the Saar district. According to the Frankfurter Rundschau of April 10, 1953, these men all had close connections with Dr. Werner Naumann. 116 Germany Today Reich, the return of the lost territories in the East, and even the Anschluss of the Sudetenland. 7 In 1957 a court action instituted by the DSZ revealed that from the time the paper had been founded in 1951 it had been subsidized by regular monthly payments from the Bonn Press Office. When the federal officials tried to enforce changes in the editorial staff, an open rift occurred which resulted in the withdrawal of financial support. The legal wrangle confirmed what had long been known among Ger- man journalists, namely, “that a number of newspapers and periodicals in the Bonn Republic enjoyed the financial sup- port of the Federal Press Office.” 8 Subsequently it became known that not only the Press Office but the Defense Min- istry as well had subsidized the DSZ. The millions of marks spent secretly by the Bonn Press Office every year explain why in 1951 a large number of nationalistic and militaristic periodicals mushroomed into existence. The evidence shows that the same system of financ- ing applied to the DSZ was used to keep dozens of other Rightist papers and organizations going.* Moreover, the close ties between the Defense Ministry and such papers as the DSZ included more than financial arrangements. Editor- in-chief Erich Kernmeyer once boasted: “There is no secret in the Defense Ministry of which we are not informed through our friends in the Ministry in less than twenty-four hours.” 9 Today the ex-soldier organizations hold a place similar to that which the powerful Stahlhelm occupied in the Weimar Republic. A foreigner visiting the larger German cities like Ham- burg, Cologne, Duesseldorf, Frankfurt, or Munich would see no huge veterans’ rallies or the type of neo-Nazi activities ‘Die Freiheit, Mainz, December 20, 1952. The Frankfurter Allgemeine re- ported on January 15, 1954: “It has been established that West German vet- erans’ organizations get their financial support from Bonn and from U.S. agencies.” 117 Old Soldiers Never Die . . . described in this book. The larger urban areas usually have Social Democratic majorities among whom such nationalistic manifestations could easily provoke political incidents. But there are hundreds of smaller towns in West Germany where the Rightist elements rule with full sway. This is the reason that for ten years now the soldier associations have held both their national and weekend rallies in towns with a population between 20,000 and 80,000 people. The national rallies — Traditionstreffen — at which often 10,000, occasionally up to 30,000, veterans gather, are arranged many months in advance. The ex-soldiers arrive in cars, buses, and chartered trains (at reduced fares), and occupy the whole town. Quar- ters are secured in private homes, schools, and public build- ings. On the basis of several hundred reports of such rallies, printed in the DSZ and other papers, let us see what goes on. There is the ritual of marching, singing, heel-clicking, and “Sieg Heil!” shouting. Bands of the Bundeswehr and Bor- der Patrol provide the stirring martial tunes of old, happy days. Ex-Generals, wearing all their medals, deliver fiery speeches which usually run along the same endless groove: the “defamation of German soldiers has to be stopped”; the real war criminals are the Allies — remember the Morgenthau shame of 1945, remember our destroyed towns, remember Roosevelt and Yalta. There are other formulas: it is high time to reawaken “Prussia’s great tradition”; Germany is the only reliable bulwark of Christian civilization; the lost territories must be returned to the Fatherland; we are behind a United Europe, for which “the German soldier has fought so heroically in World War II.” The last is the cliche to which each General or Admiral adds a poetic touch of his own. Admiral Doenitz addressed 3,000 U-boat raiders and declared to frantic applause: “We must hand down the brave, self-sacrificing U-boat spirit to our children and grand- children.” 10 General Kurt Student, commander of the air- borne invasion of Crete in 1941, drew prolonged cheers from 118 Germany Today his paratroopers when he claimed in 1959: “The German soldier has regained his nimbus; today we have again become a factor in world politics.” u Every weekend in several provincial German towns so- called Grosstreffen are staged — reunions of one or another Panzer division, SS formation, the Marine Bund, or the Afrika Korps. Such a reunion is usually greeted by a cabinet member of the Bund or the Laender, by a General of the Defense Ministry, by the mayor of the town, and other officials. As an example let us take the Afrika Korps rally in September 1958 in Karlsruhe, which was addressed by the Adenauer cabinet member Dr. Lindrath, where 15,000 cheering members “vowed to uphold the immortal values of the German soldier, and to keep this tradition alive in the Bundeswehr.” 12 A reunion of the paratroopers in Wuerz- burg received particular attention when 5,000 of the “Green Devils” greeted war criminal Field Marshal Kesselring with a thunderous” ovation, carried him on their shoulders to the platform. 13 Ten years of SS and ex-soldier meetings have left their mark on West Germany. Observers have frequently stated that neo-Nazism has taken firm hold of the small towns and of the countryside. This is exactly what happened during the twenties. Hitler had his headquarters in Munich (where he was ridiculed), while his storm troopers and the Stahlhelm conquered the smaller towns and villages. In 1933 the large anti-Nazi cities, with the bulk of liberals and workers, fell like ripe apples. There is danger that this strategy may work again. As early as September 11, 1952, the DSZ printed a front- page banner headline: “Period of defamation a thing of the past.” The subheading declared that the “Soldaten Treffen are festive hours for population and ex-soldiers.” The article proudly boasted that the meetings of SS divisions such as the Herman Goering, Das Reich, and others had become 119 Old Soldiers Never Die completely successful, because it was no longer necessary for SS men to meet secretly or for the people to hide their true feelings. “In every town,” wrote the DSZ, “the people pro- vide quarters, participate in the celebration and give us fullest recognition.” For those in the small towns who were opposed to Nazism and militarism it was wiser to keep silent. Why risk martyr- dom against the concerted strength of the Herr Landrat (administrative chief of the district), the mayor of the town, the owners of the plant, the banker, the judge, the police chief, often the pastor, the teacher, and all others of status and influence? Behind them, on the local level, were the militarists, the Stahlhelm, the storm troopers, and the Ges- tapo. It is this array of forces, this formidable power in the provinces which will decide the future of democracy in the Bonn Republic. In the early fifties, after the Ramckes, Remers, and Rudels had done their work, the Kalte Machtergreifung — seizure of power — had become an accomplished fact, at least in the small towns and in the countryside. It was not a new revolu- tion that had occurred, but in many places the local authority had simply slipped into the hands of old Nazis. At that time, labor leaders and democrats lamented that the “brown rats had come out of their holes everywhere.” Let us take as an illustration the “Battle of Goslar,” where the cause of democ- racy suffered a severe defeat. In 1955 the Stahlhelm selected the historic town of Goslar (population 28,000) for a Treffen, at which Field Marshal Kesselring was scheduled as the main speaker. The announce- ment aroused unpleasant memories among the democratic elements of the town. Some townspeople protested. They asked the government of the State of Lower Saxony, and Dr. Adenauer in Bonn, not to allow the scheduled rally. Their petition was supported by the local and regional labor unions. Apart from the fact that Kesselring had been sen- 120 Germany Today tenced to death as a war criminal (the sentence was later com- muted to eighteen years’ imprisonment), the argument was put forth that a noisy, nationalistic rally near the border of the East German Zone could easily be regarded as a prov- ocation. Neither Dr. Adenauer nor his Interior Minister (head of the police), ex-Nazi Dr. Schaefer, thought it neces- sary to answer the protests of the uneasy democrats. When the authorities refused to act, the labor leaders called up 6,000 union members for a protest demonstration in the nearby town of Bad Harzburg. Thereupon, on the “highest orders,” 1,100 men of a heavily armed police for- mation were dispatched to Goslar for the protection of Kes- selring and his Stahlhelm. 1 ” Dozens of newspaper accounts described the Goslar meet- ing. Special police squads clubbed down a number of dem- ocratic hecklers who dared to shout “Kesselring go!” The onlookers and hecklers were brutally driven off, and the town was practically under martial law. Many demonstrators were beaten and more than a hundred were arrested. Photos showed that the Stahlhelm had its own uniformed goon squad, adorned with swastikas and armed with sticks. The Stuttgarter Nachrichten reported that a press photographer who tried to take Kesselring’s picture was almost manhandled by a Stahlhelm officer: “Take your hat off when you approach our Bundesleader! And don’t give us that stupid look, or you’ll get your face slapped left and right.” There was indignation throughout the democratic press. A Munich newspaperman wrote the following comment: In recent days, I viewed several dozen photographs taken at that Stahlhelm rally staged a week ago at Goslar. It is really horrifying what went on there. We have seen these pictures once before: Soon after the First World War when the nationalistic Right went all-out to attack the Weimar Republic. Today, as it was then, this spirit is again organized by officers who receive high pensions from the state. 121 Old Soldiers Never Die They marched in Goslar and showed off their medals with the swastika. They wore field-gray uniforms and high riding boots. A few even appeared in steel helmets. . . . The pictures show the police standing around in droves. Wearing shakos with chin- straps down, the police were alerted to protect the Stahlhelm. Rough and tough as always, they surged forward to attack the protesting crowd. Many hecklers were beaten and many were arrested. It was said that, on the highest orders, the police had to clear a platform for Bundesleader Kesselring. Thus we have come a long way: The swastika is protected by the police and the resistors are put behind bars! Clear enough? 15 Indeed, Goslar brought home its lesson to many a German democrat: The battle for freedom was almost lost. Today a large part of rural Germany is vom Feinde besetzt — oc- cupied by the (fascist) enemy. Ever since the Goslar incident the Social Democrats and unions have seldom dared to challenge another ex-soldier meeting. In recent years the soldier associations have had huge reunions in larger cities like Karlsruhe and Wuerzburg. How soon will they appear in Frankfurt, Hamburg, and Munich? Dr. James Bryant Conant has told us that the Nazis are “dead and buried.” There is a voice in Goslar asking, “Who is dead and buried?” 10 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland Among the thousands of Germans who come to the United States each year, either as exchange students or as invited guests of our State Department, there is one visitor who has scored a unique success in this country. His name, strangely enough, has remained absolutely unknown to the average American. He is Dr. Walter Becher, a local politician from southern Germany, a member of the Bavarian Landtag, and a leader of the refugees from the Eastern territories. It should also be said that this German politician is an “old Nazi fighter.”* Dr. Becher’s success story in the United States is truly amazing. During the early fifties, when he first came to Washington, he began to build for himself a formidable polit- ical machine. His scheme was very simple. If he could obtain the support of leading politicians in the United States, his * According to information from the U. S. Document Center in Berlin, pub- lished in Die Zeit, Hamburg, August 8, 1957, Dr. Becher became a member of the Nazi party on December 12, 1931 (membership card 896-129). He later dropped out and re-entered the party on November 1, 1938. He was also a member of the Nazi Brown-Shirts, and he belonged to the National Socialist Student Bund. 123 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland prestige and stature would grow enormously at home and he could reap huge dividends not only in his own political bailiwick in Bavaria but in West Germany at large. With a little cleverness, and the help of the McCarthy faction in the United States, he could establish a nation-wide reputa- tion as the foremost leader in the anti-Communist crusade. With this objective Dr. Becher approached those senators and congressmen from both sides of the aisle who were inter- ested in the fight against the “Communist conspiracy,” a realm in which the ex-Nazi introduced himself as an expert. His early contacts were with William Jenner and Joseph McCarthy in the Senate, and with such men as Francis E. Walter, B. Carroll Reece, Albert H. Bosch and Walter H. Judd in the House. Dr. Becher soon set up an effective lobby in Washington; he also made considerable headway on the political stage of West Germany. At the same time, Dr. Becher’s burning ambition and his ferocious attacks against political opponents have made him one of the most controversial figures in German public life. “Who is Dr. W. B.?” asked the headline of a four-column article in the news magazine Der Spiegel. 1 According to this source, Dr. Becher as a young man joined Konrad Henlein’s Nazi-type party in the Sudetenland, which at that time was plotting with Hitler to topple Czechoslovakia’s republic. In 1937, Dr. Becher became editor of the Nazi paper Die Zeit (no connection with Die Zeit of Hamburg), whose pages he filled with anti-Semitic attacks comparable to Julius Strei- cher’s disreputable antics in the Stuermer. As editor, respon- sible for the section “Culture and Science,” Dr. Becher de- manded the ousting of all Jews from the state-controlled radio in Prague. In signed articles (“Dr. W. B.”) he called the Jewish actors “Ghetto hams,” spoke contemptuously of “Jewish intellectual bedbugs,” and ridiculed “fat Jewish dowagers.” During the Second World War Dr. Becher served the 124 Germany Today Propaganda Ministry and the Wehrmacht as a war correspond- ent. The German collapse found him stranded in Bavaria, where he joined the neo-Nazi Deutsche Gemeinschaft party and was elected to the Bavarian Landtag. In the early fifties he switched to the All-German Bloc, whose political make- up differs not too much from the neo-Nazis’. The All-German Bloc draws its support chiefly from the millions of refugees who fled from the Sudetenland and the detached territories east of the Oder-Neisse River. With inflammatory speeches in the Landtag, Dr. Becher kept his name constantly in the headlines. He has waged a running battle against the state-owned Bavarian radio net- work and some of the largest newspapers, which he has accused of being manipulated by “pro-Moscow conspirators.” In sweeping attacks he has called the Bavarian radio a “res- ervoir of U. S. -licensed re-educators” and has asked for the dismissal of its leading officials. 2 In his first “reform bill” in- troduced in the Landtag, Dr. Becher showed his old anti- Semitic bias when he suggested that the seat held by the Jewish congregation should be eliminated from the thirty-six- man Advisory Council. For many years now Dr. Becher has played a prominent role in the affairs of the refugees and expellees. Besides being the chairman of the All-German Bloc in the Bavarian Landtag, he serves as the general secretary of the Sudeten- deutsche Association. His influence rests chiefly on the fact that he has solicited strong political support for the refugee cause from both major parties in Washington. There is wide belief in Germany that without Dr. Becher’s close contacts in America, especially those in the State Depart- ment and Congress, chances for a return to the old home- lands might soon diminish. Among the 53,000,000 people in West Germany, 10,000,000 are refugees who either fled from the Sudetenland or were expelled after the war from the territories taken over by 125 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland Poland and other Eastern countries. These refugees, al- though for several years now completely integrated into West Germany’s bustling economic life, have never recon- ciled themselves to the territorial decisions made by the victors at Yalta and Potsdam.* In countless statements before the Bundestag and on other occasions, the Adenauer government has made it suffi- ciently clear that Germany “cannot accept the Oder-Neisse line as the present or future German frontier.” 3 Spokesmen for the Bonn government have frequently demanded that the German Reich must be restored to its borders of 1937. Some cabinet members, such as Refugee Minister Ober- laender and Transport Minister Seebohm, have even asked for the annexation of the Sudetenland, just as Hitler did in 1938. Each year Dr. Adenauer’s ministers speak before huge rallies of refugees, assuring them that sooner or later they will return to their homelands. They kindle hopes that the “lost provinces” will some day again become part of a Ger- man Reich. The decisions of Yalta and Potsdam have been branded by the refugee leaders and their press as the “greatest crime in history.” However, these Nazis and nationalists keep silent about the crimes committed by large groups of the Volksdeutsche, the ethnic Germans who, as citizens of Poland and Czechoslovakia, acted disloyally toward their countries and conspired with Hitler in favor of a Gross Deutschland. Take as an example the events in Czechoslovakia during the * In the Potsdam Agreement of August 1945 the Allies stipulated that the territories east of the Oder-Neisse line be put “under the administration of the Polish state,” pending “final demarcation” in a peace treaty, and that the “transfer to Germany of German populations or elements thereof, remaining in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, will have to be undertaken.” Earlier, after the Yalta conference, President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Church- ill stated that Poland “will be compensated with a large slice of German ter- ritory,” pointing clearly to an irrevocable cession of Germany’s Eastern prov- inces. 126 Germany Today thirties. The 3,000,000 Sudeten Germans lived in a truly advanced democratic country and enjoyed the same political, cultural, and social freedoms as all the other citizens of Czechoslovakia. Yet 92 percent of them rallied behind Hitler, embarked on a policy of treason, and voted “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuehrer.” According to captured German docu- ments, in 1937 Hitler decided that Czechoslovakia “must be wiped off the map.” A year later, at the height of the crisis, the Sudeten Germans revolted, helping to undermine the republic, and on March 15, 1939, Hitler occupied Prague and made the tiny remainder a German “protector- ate.” Subsequently the Sudeten Germans participated in the “Germanization” of the country by driving the Czechs (their neighbors for centuries) from their homes and by killing the Slavic intelligentsia by the thousands. Only recently a con- servative Catholic paper in Austria printed the number of death sentences handed down in Prague and Bruenn alone from June 8 to June 21, 1942. Altogether 340 teachers, law- yers, officials, and Catholic priests were executed in the short span of two weeks, not counting the hundreds who found violent death in the Gestapo torture chambers and in the concentration camps. From 1939 to 1945 several hundred thousand Czechs were murdered by the SS. 4 It was for these crimes that the Sudeten Germans, the chief perpetrators of the terror regime, were expelled from the soil of Czechoslo- vakia. 5 Another example is the Free City of Danzig, which Hitler used as a pretext to start World War II. Originally a Slavic settlement, Danzig was given to Prussia during the second partition of Poland in 1793. After 1918 the huge port on the Baltic sea became an independent “Free City” state, admin- istered by the League of Nations. Germans and Poles lived side by side under democratic rule. In 1939 Hitler demanded another Anschluss. According to the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of August 29, 1959, everything was fixed for that 127 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland long-expected Tag. Here are a few facts given by the German paper. The German cruiser Schleswig-Holstein, sent by Hitler on a “visit of friendship” to participate in the city’s flower festival, was anchored in the Danzig harbor. Early on the morning of September 1, 1939, tens of thousands of Hitlerite Danzigers crowded the roofs to watch the harbor with field glasses for a special kind of “flower festival.” At precisely 4:45 a.m., without a declaration of war, the Schles- wig-Holstein opened up with a barrage from her heavy 28- centimeter guns, pounding the nearby fortifications of the Polish peninsula Westerplatte. At the same time, every- where in the city the Germans arrested their Polish neigh- bors. The victims — men, women, and children — were taken out of their beds, beaten mercilessly in the streets, and rounded up by a quickly organized “emergency SS.” The entire police force in Danzig “changed into two Panzer Grenadier regiments overnight” and started to attack every official Polish building with its tanks. Nazi Gauleiter Al- bert Forster proclaimed the Anschluss to the Reich, and the High Commissioner of the League of Nations, the Swiss Jakob Burckhardt, had to leave the city forthwith. All Polish schools and institutions were closed and the Polish popula- tion was driven out or shipped to a hastily set up concentra- tion camp. The “flower festival” was the opening of World War II. A few days later Adolf Hitler, the liberator, had a jubilant reception in Danzig such as “no King or Kaiser ever had before him.” During World War II the Polish Government in Exile (non-Communist) published a great deal of information about the terror and the atrocities committed by the Wehr- macht and the SS in close cooperation with the Volksdeutsche. The latter, of course, had the most intimate knowledge of the Polish country and people and had been engaged long before the war in considerable fifth-column activities for the 128 Germany Today Reich. Like the Germans in Danzig, the huge majority of the Volksdeutsche had been fanatical followers of Hitler. They could hardly wait for the day when they received orders to make the Polish land Polenrein — free of Poles. A few days before the war, Hitler had given the green light for ruthless mass murder. He told his commanding Generals: I have given orders to my Totenkopf formations [Death’s-Head SS], for the time being applicable only in the East, to bring un- merciful and pitiless death to every man, woman and child of the Polish race.* Thus Poland was “stricken from the list of nations,” and the Polish inhabitants were exterminated by the millions. Gauleiter Forster announced on November 26, 1939: “I have received orders to Germanize these provinces in the shortest possible time. … In a few years everything that can in any way be reminiscent of Poland will have disap- peared.” – According to a report by the Polish Government in Exile, the Germans, “with the usual brutal vulgarity showed their mad hatred for everything Polish.” 6 As in Czechoslovakia, the Polish intelligentsia — the teachers, officials, officers, aristocrats, and priests — were slaughtered by the tens of thousands. The Volksdeutsche, knowing every district and locality, furnished the lists of victims and assisted the Gestapo in carrying out the initial purge. During the first few months, 12,000,000 Poles were driven from their homes and farms. All property was confiscated and passed into the hands of the German settlers. Millions of able-bodied men and women were shipped to slave labor camps either in Germany or in the conquered territories. Thousands of healthy young Polish girls were rounded up and sent to houses of prostitu- tion in Germany or to military brothels behind the front. * The order, quoted in the Frankfurter Rundschau of August 25, 1959, said in German: “. . . unbarmherzig und mitleidlos in den Tod zu schicken.” 129 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland The rest of “those unfortunate people were loaded into cattle cars and transported to the badly overcrowded Gen- eral Government of Poland [the occupied rump state] where they were decimated by starvation and disease.” 7 Motivated by race hatred and the obsession for Lebens- raum, the Germans killed not only Jews but Poles, Ukrain- ians, and Russians by the millions. According to official German figures, of the 55,000,000 victims of World War II, 35,000,000 noncombatants were killed in Eastern Europe alone as a “result of the effects of war and occupation.” 8 Large groups of Sudeten Germans and Volksdeutsche in Poland played a vital role in the Hitler holocaust. They filled the ranks of the SS and they fought fanatically to Germanize the Slavic lands. It was in the light of this record that the Allies decided at Yalta and Potsdam to set the Oder- Neisse line as a final stop to Germany’s century-old Drang nach Osten — push to the East. Most Nazis had fled, and the rest of the plotters were sent home in order to end all further conspiracies. What else could the Allies have done? Had not the cry “Heim ins Reich!” vibrated throughout Europe in the heyday of National Socialism? When in 1945 fate caught up with the Sudeten Germans and the Volksdeutsche, they were simply sent “home to Germany.” Soon after the end of World War II, the Germans started to use the expellee question as a lever for a revision of the Yalta and Potsdam decision. Under the Allied occupation statute the refugees were not permitted to organize. Never- theless they appeared in public as early as 1949 with a highly effective apparatus for mass propaganda: the refugee newspapers, among them the Volksbote in Munich and Die Stimme der Vertriebenen in Hamburg, began to agitate openly. There is little doubt that the expellees played an important part in the calculations of Dr. Naumann and his associates in Madrid. A secret circular letter issued in 1950 by the Nazi headquarters in Madrid stated: 130 Germany Today The millions of expellees must be regarded as a valuable trump card in our policy toward the restoration of German power. . . . The expulsion of 10 million German racial comrades was a blessing for the Reich. The expellees strengthened the biological substance of our race, and from the beginning they became a valuable asset to our propaganda. The expellees, discontented with their fate, infused a strong political dynamism in our de- mands. Very soon we were able to drown out the noisy propa- ganda about German “crimes” with our counteraccusation about the heinous misdeeds committed against 10 million German racial comrades. . . . The distress of the refugees has created a common political ground among all Germans, regardless of political affilia- tion. The demand for the restitution of the stolen German terri- tories keeps our political agitation alive. The militant elements among the refugees are working according to the best traditions of National Socialism, whereas the broad masses among the expellees are kept close together in well-disciplined homeland organizations. . . . The expulsion of millions of our racial com- rades provides us with a heaven-sent opportunity to exacerbate the problem of the bleeding border and to hammer constantly for its revision. 9 For years there has been a tremendous propaganda drive to bring the more than 10,000,000 refugees “back to their homelands.” This campaign has been carried on with the full support of the Adenauer government. Bonn has nourished the hope among the Germans that through a “policy of strength” the lost territories in the East can be recovered. It was precisely this view which motivated the Adenauer government to pursue a policy of diplomatic non- recognition toward all East-European states. In 1952 and J 953> Dr – Adenauer and his assistants openly advocated a program of liberation. The day after his election victory in !953. tne Chancellor, in a fiery speech in Bonn, demanded the Bejreiung of the territories in the East: “But instead of reunification, let us talk rather of liberation [Befreiung] — the liberation of our brethern in slavery in the East. That is 131 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland our aim, and that we shall achieve, but only with outside help.” 10 A year before that, at a press interview in Washington, the Chancellor’s principal diplomatic assistant, State Secre- tary Walter Hallstein, defined the area to be liberated as reaching “up to the Ural Mountains.” At that time the Germans dreamed of a third power bloc (between America and the Soviet bloc) of 550,000,000 people, including a Slavic population of more than 200,000,000 now living within the Soviet bloc. The liberation concept had been freely and frequently discussed at that time in the Rhein- ischer Merkur. One of the Chancellor’s stanchest supporters, Dr. Robert Ingrim, admonished the German politicians to discard the sterile concept of reunification and substitute for it a dynamic program of liberation. “The task is not reunification but the liberation of all that has been lost,” stated Dr. Ingrim in a lead article. 11 There remained little doubt that Bonn’s liberation program envisioned the use of all possible means. It was Hitler’s Drang nach Osten all over again. Among the cities pinpointed for liberation by Dr. Ingrim were Warsaw, Prague, and Vienna. 12 The unrestrained liberation propaganda of the early fifties created such unease in diplomatic quarters at Paris and London that Dr. Adenauer was soon compelled to renounce military force as a means to recover the lost ter- ritories. Since then the new formula in the Chancellor’s statements concerning reunification and revision of the Oder-Neisse line has become “in peace and freedom.” How- ever, apart from the Chancellor’s official position, there is a very different cast to the speeches by other cabinet members before the huge refugee rallies. These revisionist overtones have not contributed toward dispelling the fears in the Eastern capitals of a revengeful Pan-Germanism. Being aware of the deep distrust in Warsaw and Prague, the expellee leaders now speak quite diplomatically of the 132 Germany Today peoples’ “right to a homeland.” They also claim the “right to self-determination” as advocated by Woodrow Wilson in 1917.* This, however, is viewed in the Eastern capitals as a legalistic veil to cover up the old aggressive plans. Each year in the spring or early summer, the Sudeten Germans and the expellees from Silesia, East Prussia, and Pomerania come together in rallies 200,000 to 500,000 strong, organized in the best Hitler tradition. “It has become custom- ary,” wrote the New York Herald Tribune correspondent Gaston Coblentz, “that a minister of the Adenauer eovern- ment addresses each of the larger meetings and gives as- surances that the cause is never being forgotten.” 13 Ac- cording to the Tribune report, Dr. Adenauer, at a meeting of 250,000 refugees from Silesia, “praised the Silesians for keeping alive the memory of their homeland.” At another meeting, before 500,000 Sudeten Germans at Munich, Trans- port Minister Hans-Christian Seebohm suggested that “not only the Sudeten but also Bohemia and Moravia, which form a large part of Czechoslovakia, should be linked to Germany in the future.” Cabinet Minister Theodor Ober- laender once declared that the reconquest of the European East is a “German and European task.” 14 The leaders of the various Landsmannschaften show even less restraint in stating their revisionist viewpoints. Dr. Rudolf Lodgman von Auen, the spokesman for the 3,000,000 Sudeten Germans, said in a speech in 1957 that “the Allies should be prepared to use force to get these [Eastern] ter- ritories restored to Germany.” 15 The refugee leaders have stated quite openly that the ill-reputed Munich pact, which led to the downfall of Czechoslovakia, “still has international validity,” that the borders of the Reich are those of 1939 (including Austria, Danzig, and Memel), that the Reich has a mission in the future, and that the geographic map of * The expellee “charter” of 1950 is based on the “right of self-determination,” but its true aim is the re-establishment of a “Greater German Reich.” 133 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland Eastern Europe will be changed as soon as West Germany is again established as a military factor in world affairs. It does not require great imagination to recognize that this type of irredentist propaganda, supported by millions of expellees, militarists, and ex-Nazis, does not dispel the profound dis- trust of future German plans which prevails today in War- saw, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Sofia, and Bucha- rest. When, in May 1959, 300,000 Sudeten Germans gathered outside the German borders for the first time for a huge open- air rally in Vienna, bitter denunciations were heard from Prague, Warsaw, and Pankow. Even politicians in Vienna saw provocation in the meeting. According to the New York Times of May 16, 1959, the politicians voiced their “dismay and worry over possible political repercussions.” A similar meeting of Germans expelled from the Danube basin, gather- ing in Salzburg, Austria, was sharply criticized in Belgrade. Deputy Prime Minister Colakovic, in a speech, condemned the “rekindling of fascist and reactionary activities in Austria and in the Bonn Republic.” 16 In June 1959 a four-day rally of 300,000 refugees from Silesia was held in Cologne. Dr. Adenauer again praised the expellees for keeping their homeland spirit alive. A resolu- tion was adopted which branded the expulsion from the Eastern provinces “a crime,” demanded the “right of the homeland,” and put in a “claim for future reparations.” 17 The newspaper Die Welt reported that there was an angry reaction in Warsaw to the new Drang nach Osten. What makes the expellee activities more dangerous is the fact that the Bonn government has supported the refugee leaders in arousing the hopes of millions of expellees for a return to their homeland. Any politician who dares to come forward with a realistic view in regard to the status quo is immediately branded a traitor. The core of the expellee leadership consists of former 134 Germany Today Nazis and extreme nationalists, who have their headquarters in exclusive Rightist clubs such as the Deutsche Kreis 58 (founded by Dr. Walter Becher), the Abendlaendische Akad- emie, the Rettet die Freiheit committee, and similar organ- izations. The expellee leaders have included cabinet mem- bers of the Bund and Laender, such as Dr. Seebohm, Dr. Oberlaender, Dr. Waldemar Kraft, Frank Seiboth, and Walter Stain. Other influential leaders, besides Dr. Becher and Rudolf Lodgman von Auen were revealed not long ago by the Sueddeutsche Zeitung: Hans Schuetz, Adolf Asbach, Professor H. Raschhofer, Baron Manteufel-Scoegge, Dr. Al- fred Gille, Hans Krueger, Baron Bolko von Richthofen, and dozens of former high Nazi officials. 18 Serving as a respectable facade for the expellees are a few Social Democrats, the most prominent among whom is Bundestag member Wenzel Jaksch, whose extreme nationalist views often differ from those of his party, but very seldom from the Pan-German gospel. The expellee organizations, frequently influenced by Nazi concepts, have used every opportunity to defend the worst war criminals. When the former SS leader Hermann Krumey, known as the “butcher of 400,000 Hungarian Jews,” was arrested in 1957, the Sudetendeutsche Association pub- licly supported him. It was revealed that Krumey had been chairman of an expellee association for several years and that he had obtained a government loan which enabled him to build up a prosperous business. The still prevailing Nazi ideas among the refugees, their often expressed contempt for democratic concepts, and their hopes for a territorial change in the East constitute a long-range danger to the political stability of Germany, and Europe as well. It is this situation that in recent years has caused serious concern in Western capitals. At the begin- ning of 1959 an article in the London Times urged Bonn to reappraise its Eastern policies. 19 The article took the 135 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland Adenauer government to task for “keeping alive the senti- ments and hatreds” so frequently expressed by the expellees. The paper suggested that Bonn should adopt a realistic attitude and recognize the Oder-Neisse line. The Federal Republic, it said, “hesitates to pay the price of defeat” for World War II, but the balance of power has changed and “a new colossus has risen in the East.” This criticism by the London paper which often reflects the views of the British Foreign Office was resented in Ger- many. The advice to accept the status quo was called by the refugee paper Volksbote “unfair” and “criminal.” A peace “built on gangster methods will not last,” said the Volksbote, and no German government would ever dare to give up Ger- many’s “rightful claims.” 20 Two months later, in March 1959, General de Gaulle stated at a press conference that the Oder-Neisse line is Germany’s definite Eastern border and should not be changed. To which the Bonn government replied that “the German borders are still those of December 30, 1937.” 21 The Christian Science Monitor has published a series of articles giving a realistic appraisal of the Oder-Neisse ques- tion. 22 The Monitor’s expert on Eastern and Central Euro- pean problems, Ernest S. Pisko, recalls the “ruthless policy of Germanization, dating back to the Bismarck era, and reaching its tragic climax under Hitler.” Recognizing the “steadily growing revisionist propaganda campaign [as a] disturbing symptom,” Mr. Pisko blames Ministers Ober- laender, Seebohm, Waldemar Kraft, and Linious Kather, president of the League of Expelled Germans, as the chief advocates of the idea “that the German frontiers of 1939 should be re-established.” Evaluating the expellee propa- ganda circulating in the United States, Mr. Pisko exposes its methods of “falsification of statistics,” “biased quotations,” and misrepresentation of facts. “The Poles,” concludes Mr. Pisko, “may have confidence in Dr. Adenauer, but they can- 136 Germany Today not be sure of the turn West German foreign policy may take under his successors.” Under Western pressure, the Bonn Foreign Office, in the spring of 1959, decided to offer Poland and Czechoslovakia nonaggression pacts. This would have amounted to a tacit recognition of the present borders. Dr. Adenauer left it to Foreign Minister von Brentano to make public this unpopu- lar diplomatic move. The announcement caused a storm of indignation among the refugees. The leaders of the expellee organizations registered vigorous protests with the Chancel- lor. Within the cabinet, Ministers Oberlaender, Seebohm, and Lemmer objected vehemently. 23 Dr. Adenauer was forced to yield, and the plan for the nonaggression pacts was dropped. The Oder-Neisse question is generally regarded as a key issue in the East-West conflict. John Foster Dulles finally recognized that a settlement had to be made, and the Oder- Neisse line stabilized, to keep the world from stumbling into the atomic holocaust. Unfortunately, until now no official statement has come from Washington to clarify the U.S. position, and Washington is still the last hope of the expellee leadership. In 1955, after Dr. Becher’s initial successes in Washington, he decided to install a permanent expellee representative in Washington. 24 His choice was a former Nazi diplomat, Dr. Richard Sallet, who had once served Goebbels and Ribben- trop in the German Embassy there. Dr. Sallet was known as an “expert on American affairs.” His expertness was verified by captured German documents which contained several hundred pages attesting that during the thirties he was in- strumental in launching an anti-Semitic campaign. He was also involved in large-scale anti-American activities aimed at undermining the confidence of the American people in President Roosevelt. In Washington, Dr. Sallet conducted an effective cam- 137 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland paign of pity for the poor Volksdeutsche who would make peace in Europe and the world an impossibility if they were not brought back to their lost homelands. This was the old familiar threat of “chaos” that Hitler had used so effectively before the Munich pact. Dr. Sallet concentrated his main efforts on establishing close ties with the State Department, Congress, and the American press. His public-relations work had excellent re- sults. In 1957, Congressman Usher L. Burdick inserted in the Congressional Record one of Dr. Becher’s articles advocating “a realistic policy of liberation,” a “breaking off of all diplo- matic and economic contacts with Communist regimes in the East,” and an “economic blockade of the Soviet bloc.” 25 On August 10, 1959, the Volksbote reported “more successes in the U. S. Congress.” Within a few months, seven statements and articles by Dr. Becher, Rudolf Lodgman von Auen, and other expellee leaders had appeared in the Congressional Record. 26 Whenever Dr. Becher toured the United States, usually for several weeks at a time, conferences were arranged with high State Department officials, influential senators and congressmen, and journalists and radio commentators. Early in 1958 the Volksbote ran three successive articles about Dr. Becher’s accomplishments in the United States. During that visit, the Volksbote stated, Dr. Becher had meetings with German-American leaders, “long talks with leading officials in the State Department,” and many conferences with senators and representatives. He had also had his political views presented in “71 newspapers, and to 32,000,000 listen- ers over the Mutual Broadcasting Network.” 27 Each year dozens of senators and congressmen send mes- sages to Dr. Becher, assuring him of their sympathy and support for the aims and aspirations of the Sudeten Germans. These messages are usually read to the crowds at the large rallies and are reprinted in the expellee press. The claim in the Volksbote that “our work is supported by more than 150 138 Germany Today congressmen” might well be accurate. A cursory count of the signers of messages in less than a dozen Volksbote issues re- vealed the impressive number of more than ninety com- munications coming from 36 senators and 57 congressmen.* In addition, the Volksbote published letters and telegrams from former President Herbert Hoover, retired U. S. Gen- erals such as del Valle, Willoughby, and Wedemeyer, and a number of politicians. It is this backing that helps make the expellee associations, the leaders as well as the 3,000,000 members, absolutely unyielding to any proposed modus vivendi. At the beginning of the Geneva Conference (in the spring of 1959) the expellee leaders insisted that the Adenauer government stand firm in refusing to let the Western powers make any concessions to the Soviets. State Secretary Peter Nahm, Minister Ober- laender’s representative, gave assurance to an expellee delega- tion that “in all future decisions the refugees will have the first and the last words.” 28 There is little doubt that State Department officials and U.S. legislators have entangled themselves quite deeply in the liberation scheme of a group of Nazi intriguers. It is very probable that the refugees would have settled down in their national environment long ago had they not received constant encouragement in their revisionist aspirations from * The following senators sent messages to Dr. Becher: Homer E. Capehart, Karl E. Mundt, Olin D. Johnston, James Murray, William Proxmire, Warren G. Magnuson, Homer Ferguson, James Eastland, Prescott Bush, Arthur V- Watkins, Allen J. Ellender, Albert Gore, Leverett Saltonstall, W. Kerr Scott, Styles Bridges, Francis Case, Charles E. Potter, Pat McNamara, John M. Butler, Frank A. Barrett, William Knowland, George W. Malone, Andrew F. Schoep- pel, William Langer, Strom Thurmond, Carl T. Curtis, Herman E. Talmadge, Robert C. Byrd, Thomas J. Dodd, Milton R. Young, Spessard L. Holland, Stuart Symington, Edward J. Thye, Wallace F. Bennett, Dennis Chavez, A. Willis Robertson. Among the representatives, the following names might be mentioned: Joseph R. Martin, Francis E. Walter, Albert H. Bosch, Speaker John McCormack, B. Carroll Reece, Usher L. Burdick, Walter H. Judd, John Taber, Harold H. Velde, Charles J. Kersten and Philip J. Philbin. 139 Ten Million Expellees and the Old Homeland Washington. At a time when Europe is longing for stability, it would have been sound policy not to arouse ambitions which once before in our lifetime caused one of mankind’s greatest tragedies. 11 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin” In May 1959 Look magazine published a story which — judg- ing by the response of its readers — appalled thousands of Americaris. The outspoken article, “Hitlerism in 1959,” was written by Look’s European editor, Edward M. Korry. What has become known as the “Koeppern case” is the story of a Jewish family who returned from Israel eager to begin a new life in a supposedly “New Germany.” In 1958, Kurt Sumpf and his family moved into the small town of Koeppern, twenty miles outside of Frankfurt, where they invested in an established bakery and coffee shop. Their venture might have turned out quite successfully, except for one important factor. The Look story summed up the situa- tion as follows: “Today the Sumpf family is ruined, their nerves shattered, their savings gone and their hopes crushed. Kurt has been shot at, his wife beaten and his son bullied. Their business is boycotted by Koeppern’s 3,800 people. All this is traceable to one reason only: The Sumpfs are Jews.” Painstaking investigations by a German newspaperman and the Look editor uncovered the following picture. The ordeal of the Sumpf family started shortly after they had 141 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin” settled in Koeppern. The townspeople soon began to show their animosity and anti-Semitism. They called Sumpf a “Jewish pig” or a “dirty foreigner” whom the Nazis “had forgotten to put in the gas chambers.” There was an obvious intent to drive the “undesirable Jew” out of town. When Sumpf declared that he would remain, some troublemakers resorted to physical violence. Kurt and his wife Margot were assaulted, and one day in early October, a bullet was sent through the window of the bakery, narrowly missing the proprietor. Instead of intervening, the local police contrib- uted derisive comments which amused the hoodlums. The climax came in December, when a riot was staged and the state police had to be called to the scene. According to Look, the police again sympathized with the mob and a patrolman shouted to Sumpf: “Why don’t you close this filthy joint?” Since he was unprotected by the authorities, Kurt Sumpf finally had to sell his business, and he eventually took a job as a taxi driver in Frankfurt. The Koeppern story would have remained unrecorded had not a reporter of the Frankfurter Rundschau taken an interest in the case. Reporter Botho Kirsch at first tried to mediate in order to avoid “unfavorable publicity.” It was only when he saw that the Sumpfs were refused protection by the mayor, the pastor, the school principal, and the local and state police that he proceeded with publication. 1 Then the Hessian Ministry of the Interior tried to hush up the case and to excuse the guilty policemen. The publicity which the Koeppern case received inside Germany and abroad resulted in an investigation. Eleven persons were brought to trial, ranging in age from twenty- one to fifty-three, among them a policeman and a Bundeswehr soldier. The defendants were charged with having made anti-Semitic remarks, assaulting the Sumpfs, and having com- mitted a breach of the peace. The Frankfurt court acquitted six of them “for lack of evidence,” four received fines from 142 Germany Today seven to fifty dollars, and one was jailed for four months. Anti-Semitic incidents like the Zind affair in Offenburg and the outburst in Koeppern cannot be dismissed as iso- lated cases. During 1958 the German papers reported nu- merous such flare-ups, some of them almost identical to the Koeppern case. The Frankfurter Rundschau of June 14, J 95 8 > gave details about similar riots in Floersheim against the innkeeper Brauman, whose wife, a “half Jew,” was called a “Jewish pig” and was threatened with death. The Brau- mans were regarded as “undesirable,” and the police refused to give them protection. Mr. Korry pointed out in Look that “for the past few months, it has been almost impossible to open a serious German newspaper without finding some reference to anti- Semitism.” Local German law-enforcement officials, instead of making every effort to combat these occurrences of racial hatred with stern measures, were in most cases remiss in their duties and often were participants in the anti-Semitic perse- cution. Such involvement on the part of the authorities was true in the case of a Jewish writer and critic, Siegfried Ein- stein, who had made his home in Lampertheim, Hesse. Again, as in Offenburg and Koeppern, the “undesirable Jew” had to be driven out. Einstein was harassed and threatened every day, and at night the Nazis disturbed his sleep with the Horst Wessel song. The police and county authorities did nothing for his protection. On the contrary, old Nazis in official po- sitions brought trumped-up charges against Einstein and he was sentenced in court for alleged libel. 2 In February 1959 the New York Times reported from Bonn that another anti-Semitic incident had been instigated by a tax official and a former SS officer. Both men had used insulting remarks, and a criminal libel suit had been initiated by the respected Social Democratic Bundestag Deputy Jeanette Wolff (whose two daughters had been killed in a concentration camp and whose husband had been shot by 143 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin” the SS). According to the Times report, Frau Wolff stated in her complaint that “the tax official had said concentration camps were desirable and too few Jews had been killed in them. She also testified that the former SS leader had publicly threatened to use a riding whip in the same way as he said he had done before on naked Jewish women.” 3 In January 1959, four weeks before Dr. Adenauer an- nounced that anti-Semitism had “disappeared,” Germany was stirred by several other occurrences, each one as serious as the Koeppern case. In Frankfurt the State Prosecutor, Dr. Otto Schweinsberger, was suspended for anti-Semitic state- ments and discrimination against Jews. 4 In another case, several officials of a restitution court in Wiesbaden han- dling Jewish claims had made insulting remarks to the Jewish petitioners; they had deliberately sabotaged cases, and had amused themselves by staging office parties livened with anti-Semitic Nazi songs. The officials were dismissed under public pressure. 5 On January 28, 1959, the New York Daily News, in a special dispatch from Berlin, reported one of the “worst anti-Semitic demonstrations since the war.” Hoodlums, or- ganized by a secret anti-Jewish underground, had staged disturbances during a play showing Nazi terrorism in the Warsaw ghetto. The demonstrators “threw stink bombs, shouted anti-Semitic slogans, and scuffled with the audience.” The incident was not reported in the German press. The official Press Department in Bonn, operating under Felix von Eckardt, has developed an elaborate system for stifling reports of such events. The Zind affair, the Koeppern case, and many other incidents were kept out of the press for months. How the system works was neatly shown by an edi- torial in the Rheinischer Merkur, which severely repri- manded the school authorities for having allowed the Zind case to become public. The paper stated “that the scandal and trial could have been avoided if the authorities had com- 144 Germany Today pelled Zind to make an apology and then would have given the teacher a job in another town.” 6 This declaration would indicate that Bonn is not so much concerned with anti- Semitism as it is with the unfortunate exposures of its exist- ence. It has been reported that “the old Nazi teachers and pro- fessors have all returned to the schools and universities.” 7 In January 1959 the Minister of Education in the State of Schleswig-Holstein suspended a junior college teacher, Otto Stielau, because he had made anti-Semitic remarks in con- nection with The Diary of Anne Frank. 8 In another case, the Jewish community in Berlin finally dropped charges against a high school teacher on the occasion of the Christian-Jewish brotherhood week. The teacher had lost his job because he had stated in a restaurant that “all Jews should have been gassed.” 9 Anti-Jewish outbursts had reached such proportions dur- ing igS&that early in January 1959 the Central Jewish Coun- cil petitioned Chancellor Adenauer “to take immediate legal steps.” Within a few days the Bonn government had hastily introduced a new law in the Bundestag which stipulated that expressions of hatred against racial or religious minorities would be punished with prison sentences of not less than three months. A week later the New York Times reported that the Adenauer government “was sharply attacked by Social Democrats in the Bundestag for its allegedly lax handling of Nazi and anti-Semitic offenses.” 10 An independent newspaper noted that “hardly a day goes by on which it is not possible to find dispatches about anti- Semitic incidents.” 11 In March 1959 it was reported that “in Berlin alone, more than 20 criminal libel suits had been initiated, dealing with serious anti-Semitic outbursts.” 12 In Britain, America, and elsewhere dispatches from Bonn reported “an alarming increase in anti-Semitic incidents, from the desecration of synagogues to anti-Jewish writings, 145 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin” speeches and even songs.” 13 The anti-Jewish outbursts had become so frequent that, in early 1959, dozens of articles ap- peared in respectable German papers warning against a resurgent anti-Semitism. 14 Significant was an article in Die Welt of February 21, 1959, posing the question: “Must We Emigrate Again?” The article stirred a lively debate and the New York Times reported that on this one article alone, Die Welt had received “letters in response which would fill a medium-sized book.” According to the Times dispatch, there was almost unanimous agreement that “the situation is alarm- ing.” 15 Bonn, already embarrassed by criticism abroad, faced a growing discussion in the responsible German press about the lenient attitude of the courts toward anti-Semitic offenses. The Sueddeutsche Zeitung, in an editorial of January 24, 1959, pointed out that there was some kind of “latent anti- Semitism” within the machinery of justice. Finally the Bonn government was compelled to take sterner measures. Instead of small fines or suspended sentences, the courts began to send anti-Jewish troublemakers to jail. Here are some cases recorded during the first two months of 1959: A court in Herford gave Carl Krumsiek, a textile sales- man, seven months for having said it was “a pity all Jews weren’t gassed by the Nazis.” 16 A sanatorium attendant in Bavaria was given a three- month sentence for having said: “If there were still death camps in Germany I would volunteer to put the remaining Jews under gas.” 17 A metal dealer in Hersfeld got two months in prison for anti-Semitic insults and threats. 18 A waiter, Paul Rabe, was sentenced to six months in prison by a Duesseldorf court for calling a businessman a “dirty Jew whom the Nazis forgot to gas.” 19 A court in Mulheim ordered a clerk jailed without bail for having publicly praised the Nazi atrocities. He had in- 146 Germany Today suited a Jew by calling him a “kike whom Hitler had forgot- ten to gas.” The defendant had hinted that he would escape as Zind had. 20 It is not difficult to understand why — even with only a few thousand Jews left in Germany — these extreme anti- Semitic statements are so frequently heard. During Hitler’s days millions yelled in chorus, “Juda Verrecke!” — the Jew must perish. Today many Germans throughout the social strata still resent the fact that their country is not judenrein. A housewife in Passau was fined two hundred marks for having called a neighbor a “dirty Jewish pig.” 21 An engineer was sentenced to four months for having regretted that Hitler was not around “to gas the last of the Jews.” 22 A policeman in Augsburg was suspended after having told a bartender: “Wait until the Adenauer era is over, then you and the other Jewish pigs will all be gassed.” 23 Several hundred cases of desecration of Jewish cemeteries have occurred in recent years, but these were seldom re- ported in the press. The otherwise very efficient German po- lice have been unable to track down the vandals. At times the authorities have given ridiculous explanations for their lack of success: the demolition of up to a hundred heavy tomb- stones was ascribed to eight-year-old children. 24 In another instance, the police callously stated that the destruction of Jewish graveyards was “caused by a storm.” Frequent cases of defacement of synagogues — smearing of swastikas in red and white paint on the doors — have also remained unsolved. Chancellor Adenauer, answering a letter of protest from the American Jewish Committee, had this explanation: “Anti-Semitic acts are inspired by Communist agents.” 25 Another form of anti-Semitism, reminiscent of the Hitler days, finds its expression in vicious anti-Jewish publications. In recent years a few publishers of anti-Semitic pamphlets have been given prison terms. In September 1959 a court in Hannover sentenced Arthur Goetze to nine months in 147 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin’ prison for publishing libelous brochures and leaflets against Jews. 26 In January 1959 the prosecutor in Munich started an in- vestigation of the anti-Jewish hate peddler, Guido Roeder, who had for many years published and circulated the notori- ous Protocols of the Elders of Zion and other anti-Semitic pamphlets. At the same time the Jewish Central Council launched a criminal libel action against a Nuremberg eve- ning paper which had published a story about an alleged “Jewish ritual murder.” 27 In May 1959 a trial lasting several days was held before the highest Federal Court in Karlsruhe. The defendant was Hans Robert Kremer, publisher and editor of the neo-Nazi periodical Die Anklage. The editor was charged with activi- ties endangering the security of the state and undermining the constitution. There was a long list of specific offenses, such as abusive criticism of the democratic order, insults against the Bonn government, and the branding of the resist- ance fighters as “traitors.” Herr Kremer openly proposed the re-establishment of a Nazi party and stated that democrats would be taken care of with summary justice on X day. Die Anklage was full of anti-Semitic material, frequently con- tributed by one of the most fanatical hatemongers of the old Goebbels staff, Dr. Johannes von Leers. In letters to the editor — often signed with “Heil Hitler!” — old Nazis threat- ened revenge in such statements as “Let us keep the knives sharp for the day when we will hang the Jews by their legs and then split open their bellies.” 28 Similar scurrilous mat- ter was published without hindrance over a period of four years, until the court finally caught up with Kremer and sentenced him to a two-year prison term. Nor are these sentiments confined to the obvious rabble- rousers. Cases of open anti-Semitic bias have been found in recent years in the Bundeswehr and among the highest of- ficials in the Bonn Foreign Office. In a litigation before a 148 Germany Today Bonn court, the issue of anti-Jewish bias played a central role. An export merchant, Joachim Hertslet, charged that the Secretary of State Walter Hallstein and Ambassador Wilhelm Melchers “had denounced him to Arab govern- ments as a Jew [which he is not], and had thereby seriously harmed his business connections in the Near and Middle East.” 29 In another court case, witnesses confirmed the fact that the German diplomat Hans von Saucken insulted the New York correspondent of the Neue Zuercher Zeitung by calling him a “dirty Jew.” Under pressure from many sides, Herr von Sauken had to be dismissed. 30 In 1957 a biased and unproved statement by Minister Schaeffer about the drain on German finances because of restitution payments gave welcome propaganda ammunition to the anti-Semites. The majority of German people feel no regret for the crimes committed against millions of Jews, but believe instead that “world Jewry” is engaged in a plot to swindle the innocent Germans out of billions of marks. Kurt R. Grossman, a writer on German affairs, reported after a lengthy survey that “a casual perusal of various German pub- lications yields article after article hammering away at the same theme: The Jews have willfully exaggerated the figures of Jewish deaths in order to secure more restitution.” 31 On February 14, 1958, the Social Democrats in the Bunde- stag demanded an investigation of the CDU member Jakob Diel, who reportedly had written in a letter to Dr. Adenauer that “in the opinion of the German people it is regrettable that all Jews had not been gassed, for in that case Germany Would not have to make restitution.” Requests for restitution to victims of Nazi persecution are depicted as a “racket played by a bunch of greedy Jewish lawyers.” Discussing this subject, the Finance Minister Etzel “voiced his shock over the wave of intense anti-Semitism Which he found expressed in the flood of letters protesting against the restitution arrangement.” 32 The Minister of Edu- 149 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin” cation of Baden-Wuerttemberg, Gerhard Storz, demanded safeguards against the widespread “paranoid obsession” of anti-Semitism which often results in violence. He stated that “many anonymous letters containing vicious threats are re- ceived by editors, state prosecutors and in the ministries of the Bund and Laender.” 33 Outbursts involving the desecration of graveyards and houses of worship, insults against Jews, and swastika-daubings, even in communities entirely free of Jews, occurred in 1954, 1957, and 1958. On Christmas Eve, 1959, the newly rebuilt synagogue in Cologne was defaced with huge swastikas and the words “Out with the Jews!” It was the signal for an epi- demic outburst of swastika-daubings and vandalism in Ger- many and many other countries throughout the world. Within a period of six weeks the Ministry of the Interior registered 850 cases of anti-Semitic vandalism in widely sepa- rated areas in West Germany. The whole gamut of Nazi hooliganism was exhibited — from the scrawling of “Death to the Jews” and “Germany Awake” to desecration of grave- yards, threatening letters to Jews, and the smashing of shop windows. The directorate of the Central Council of Jews in Germany declared that the excesses “evoke pictures that bring to mind the November days of 1938.” 34 This reference was to the infamous “Kristallnacht”— the night of the broken gl ass — w hen synagogues were burned and Jewish houses were smashed to bits. Although the arrest of two perpetrators gave clear proof that the anti-Semitic outbursts had been initiated by mem- bers of the neo-Nazi German Reichs party, Dr. Adenauer’s government again hastened to counteract foreign criticism by declaring that the incidents were Communist-inspired. This was immediately contradicted by the Social Democratic opposition and by experts in Dr. Adenauer’s own party. Pro- fessor Franz Boehm, a leading Christian Democratic deputy in the Bundestag, declared it a “dangerous self-delusion to 150 Germany Today assume that Communists were masterminding the incidents.” According to Professor Boehm, “the outbursts appeared to be synchronized acts of fascist elements throughout West Germany.” 3 * The Rheinischer Merkur published an entire page of material taken from neo-Nazi publications, which clearly showed the extreme Rightist politicians as the ideo- logical arsonists behind the anti-Semitic campaign. 36 The effort to shift the blame onto the Communists was a clever attempt to find an acceptable scapegoat so that the Germans might be absolved of any responsibility. Adenauer’s story was repudiated by the Social Democrats as “nonsense.” The editor of the party’s English-language newsletter, Heinz Putzrath, told an American correspondent that Adenauer was afraid to acknowledge the facts because he “doesn’t want to offend the Right and lose it as a solid voting bloc.” 37 Although more than 500 incidents had been investigated by the end of January, the Interior Ministry in Bonn was un- able to present a single piece of evidence proving Communist complicity. The Interior Minister of North Rhine-West- phalia, after investigating 154 incidents in his state, told re- porters he had “no evidence that East German Communists or Soviet groups had directly instigated any of the incidents in West Germany.” 38 Most German and foreign observers agreed that the van- dalistic acts were chiefly the work of well-organized groups. The police chief of Frankfurt, Dr. Littmann, was firmly con- vinced that most of the incidents “were carried out accord- ing to a central plan.” 3 <» No doubt there were a number of pranksters and psychotics who participated as amateurs. Un- questionably, however, most of the slogan-smearing and swastika-daubing was done by paint-brush experts. The swastika campaign was obviously activated by the be- lief that the time had come to show the masses that Nazism was still alive. According to a report in the New York Herald Tribune, large factions of the German public were in 151 “Jews Should Be Exterminated Like Vermin” open sympathy with the vandals. “News correspondents heard West Germans suggesting that the Jews ‘must have done something’ if their synagogues were being desecrated in various parts of the world.” 40 The same report pointed out that “a large part of the West German people remain poisoned by anti-Semitism. This is part of the fabric of West German life, and it is evident, day in and day out, to foreign observers in this country. No change from this state of af- fairs is in sight.” With the adverse impact on public opinion abroad, the Bonn government was compelled to take measures to stop the anti-Semitic vandalism. After a few months it petered out. Yet the danger of a relapse is still present. A United Press report from Bonn quoted government officials and Jewish leaders as saying that “anti-Semitism is dormant but not dead.” One Interior Ministry official stated: “One can never say such an outbreak will not occur again.” 41 How much of a danger is the anti-Jewish sentiment in Ger- many today? A public opinion poll made in 1958 (the latest at the moment of writing) showed that “39 percent of the Germans were definitely anti-Semitic,” 29 percent were “con- ditionally anti-Semitic,” 25 percent showed no anti-Semitic attitudes, and only 7 percent were described as “philo- Semitic.” * The study confirmed what many observers had long suspected — that “the highest percentage of anti-Semitism exists in the rural areas, particularly in small towns.” This is borne out by the solid anti-Semitism manifested in towns like Offenburg, Lampertheim, and Koeppern. It has often been argued that not too much emphasis should be placed on incidents such as I have cited in this chapter — that other countries have their share of cranks, racists, and criminals, and that it would be unfair to burden Germany as * When releasing this survey in 1958, the American Jewish Committee, “de- spite the democratic political structure in Germany,” saw danger of a “revival of racially motivated nationalism and anti-Semitism.” 152 Germany Today a nation with the misdeeds of a “minority” or a few political maniacs. First, anti-Semitism is not a minority belief in Germany, but is still part of a Weltanshauung cherished by the major- ity. Second, there is a great difference between the milder forms of social and political anti-Jewish sentiments found in other countries and the anti-Semitism in Germany. The conviction that the Jews must be exterminated and that the living “should have been gassed” is evidence that German anti-Semites identify themselves even today with the Nazi outlook. With nearly 70 percent of the population overtly or covertly anti-Semitic, it might seem almost a miracle that the Adenauer administration has been able to keep these sen- timents relatively under control. But politically the Germans are a well-trained people. They have demonstrated during the twenties and the fifties that they can “behave,” or rather that they can deceive das Ausland — the (gullible) foreigners. At the moment, circumstances compel them to play the role of a democratic people. But we must guard against the false as- sumption that the masses of the Germans have undergone a profound change of heart. Kurt R. Grossmann, after his lengthy discussions on the anti-Semitic problem with officials in Bonn, reported that the then President Heuss “admitted that the old hatreds still prevail, and agreed that the educa- tional processes to battle these evils must be greatly intensi- fied.” « 12 The Other Germany Is there “another Germany,” set apart from the millions of militarists, ex-Hitlerites, storm troopers, SS butchers, and Deutschland-ueber-Alles nationalists? Yes, there is. Rather, there are “other Germans.” There are many politically mature and humane Germans who feel a burning shame about the crimes committed by Germany as a nation. There are many courageous Germans who are try- ing again, as in the twenties, to stem a tide which some day might throw Germany and the world into another catas- trophe. The riddle of the “other Germany” — and the often quoted “two souls” in every Teutonic breast — has baffled and in- trigued foreign observers and German thinkers alike for more than a century. Goethe, Heine, Hoelderlin, Schopenhauer, and Nietzsche were plagued by the uneasy feeling that Ger- many’s irrational romanticism and militaristic barbarism would one day lead to a revolt against Western civilization. These cultural leaders had no great hope for the other Ger- many. It was the poet Heinrich Heine who, in 1834, pre- 154 Germany Today dieted that the day would come when Germany “will run berserk” against the civilized world and that “the German thunder will crash as it has never yet crashed in the world’s history.” Heine feared that under the savagery of Teutonic barbarism “the Christian cross will come tumbling down in pieces.” 1 There were others who foresaw the coming explosion. To- ward the end of the last century a young educator and moral philosopher, who soon became a towering figure and the lead- ing voice among the other Germans, predicted the coming upheaval with amazing accuracy. It was Friedrich Wilhelm Foerster who bluntly denounced Prussia’s militaristic “blood and iron” policy in his magazine, Ethical Culture. In 1895 he was imprisoned for lese majesty and “criticism of the state.” But Foerster’s voice could not be silenced. During the First World War this fearless fighter spoke to tightly packed audi- ences at the University of Munich, denouncing the spirit of aggression and admonishing his young students to “abandon national egotism and join in a new European cultural order.” Such ideas were condemned by the Munich faculty as na- tional heresy which should “make every German ashamed.” Soon Foerster came under censorship and all his lectures were verboten. After the First World War, Foerster warned the Allies that they would lose the peace if they let themselves be fooled by the clever policy of dissemblance of the Weimar Republic, which hid the fact that the German war lords were preparing a new assault against Europe. When the German militarists threatened Foerster’s life in 1923, he was forced to leave the country as an early exile. In his paper, Die Menschheit, Foer- ster continued to expose Germany’s secret rearmament. On July 8, 1927, he printed this truly prophetic statement: “This much should at least be clear to us: The masters of Germany today need peace and want peace, but only in order to be armed on a date which will be decided by the weakness of her 155 The Other Germany neighbors. That date will fall anywhere between 1933 and 1938.” * When the European statesmen were captivated by the “peace” siren songs of Germany’s Foreign Minister Strese- mann, Foerster wrote this realistic warning in Die Mensch- heit: “The leading German circles, with their battle cry of ‘Deutschland, Deutschland ueber Alles,’ are consciously pur- suing their aim of a new European catastrophe. … As a prairie fire spreads over the dry grass, so Teutonic madness, inflamed by Prussianism, spreads unrestrained over the na- tion.” Foerster knew that there were thousands of peaceable, un- militaristic Germans, but he felt that they were only a help- less minority, unable to assert political influence or leadership among their countrymen. To him this other Germany was like “a small boat tossed around by the waves of a storm- swept ocean of political madness.” Another German writer who saw clearly what was happen- ing in his own country is Wilhelm Roepke, a university pro- fessor, today a supporter of Dr. Adenauer’s policies. Professor Roepke described the spread of Nazism around 1930, three years before Hitler came to power: Among our sensible peasants of Lower Saxony the Nazi activities were having really alarming success. There were very few people left with whom it was still possible to talk rationally. . . . Against this Nazi plague nothing seemed to avail, neither the appeal to common sense nor the moral appeal. . . . All classes were dosed with the poison in the most effective quantity and strength in each case, and everywhere every class was brought down, clerks, and mechanics with their employers, peasants and aristocrats, * In his more than two dozen books, Foerster not only appears as an impor- tant educator and politico-religious philosopher, but he has also given us the deepest insight into German thought and behavior. Familiarity with his main work, Europe and the German Question (New York, 1940), is essential for an understanding of the Pan-German mania and the policy of deception prac- ticed by the “democratic” statesmen of the Weimar Republic. 156 Germany Today professors, officers, industrialists, bankers, civil servants. The friend of yesterday turned overnight into one possessed, with whom it was no longer possible to argue, and the more the move- ment succeeded the more the nervous, the cynical, and the ambi- tious joined the genuinely convinced fanatics, the crazy, and the moral perverts. … It was from the universities that most of the other intellectuals drew the disintegrating poison that they then distributed, duly packed and processed, to the mass of the people. 2 What is the strength of the other Germany today and how great is its influence on the political life of the nation? The other Germany is there, fighting a heroic battle, but almost abandoned and in bitter despair. Compared to the time be- fore the First World War and again during the Weimar Re- public, more Germans today are conscious of the dangers that lie ahead. There is more active resistance against a new out- break of German nationalistic mania, especially among the academic youth. In recent years German newspapers have printed an unusual number of letters to the editor protesting against the creeping renazification of the country. Certain newspapers have given admirable support to the democratic cause by being alert and pointing out the dangers. Outstanding in this respect are the independent democratic dailies Sueddeutsche Zeitung and Frankfurter Rundschau. Among the periodicals, the monthlies Frankfurter Hefte and Der Monat deserve special mention. Some of the more conservative dailies, such as the Frank- furter Allgemeine, the Deutsche Zeitung and Die Welt, have taken a firm stand against neo-Nazi and anti-Semitic inci- dents, but they seem to ignore completely the resurgent forces within the Adenauer government and its supporting parties. The great mass of the provincial newspapers are usually ex- tremely nationalistic and are often staffed with editors who once served the Nazi press. For example, the publisher of six large provincial newspapers in Bavaria is Max Willmy, a one- time Nazi publisher who, together with Julius Streicher, 157 The Other Germany owned the anti-Semitic weekly Der Stuermer. After the war Willmy was convicted as a “minor offender” and punished by a fine of 30,000 marks. 3 In 1959 one of Willmy’s papers, the 8-Uhr-Blatt in Nuremberg, was in the news again for having published the fabricated story of a “Jewish ritual murder.” * The highest praise is in order for the often heroic efforts by which individuals and small groups have battled the neo- Nazi and militaristic trends. Frequently, principled people sacrificed their positions rather than betray their democratic ideals. There is the case of Dr. Gustav Heinemann, a Protes- tant leader, who resigned from the Adenauer cabinet in pro- test against the restorative tendencies, the rearmament, and the high-handed, autocratic methods used by the Chancellor. Corvett Captain Werner Dobberstein, a Navy officer, tried for a long time to get action from his superiors against the growing pro-Nazi attitudes, the “Doenitz spirit,” among the Navy officers. When he found his efforts were in vain, Captain Dobberstein, in 1956, wrote a letter to Defense Minister The- odor Blank, complaining about the unhealthy situation. In- stead of ordering an investigation and backing up an alert and democratic-minded officer, Bonn ordered Dobberstein’s dismissal a few days later {Die Zeit, May 17, 1956). Another incident concerns the State Commissioner for Youth Guidance in Schleswig-Holstein, Dr. Ernst Hessenauer. Dr. Hessenauer told a meeting of students that he regarded it as unwholesome to the democratic process to permit former Nazi officials to run for public office or be appointed to re- sponsible positions. He had stirred up a hornet’s nest; he was immediately reprimanded and silenced by the Minister- President of Schleswig-Holstein. One of the few democratic actions which ended successfully was launched in 1955 against the Minister of Education in the State of Lower Saxony. The appointment of Herr Leon- hard Schlueter — right-wing extremist and owner of a pro- Nazi publishing house — to a cabinet position stirred the aca- 158 Germany Today demic profession throughout Germany. The Rector of the University of Goettingen and nearly two dozen senior profes- sors resigned, and a few thousand students went on strike. They marched in protest and demanded the ouster of Min- ister Schlueter. Public pressure forced Herr Schlueter first to go on “leave” and then to resign his office. The press re- ported that Dr. Adenauer was displeased because “mob ac- tion” had forced the ouster of a cabinet member. In past years a small group of writers, newspapersmen, and radio commentators have tried to confront the German pub- lic with some unpleasant truths. In an earlier chapter I men- tioned the name of Michael Heinze-Mansfeld, a young jour- nalist, who revealed that Dr. Adenauer’s Foreign Ministry was staffed by dozens of former Nazis, some of them war crim- inals. On October 22, 1952, the Chancellor countered with an angry speech in the Bundestag stating that “such snooping in the Nazi records must be stopped.” This demand from the leader of the nation had the effect of bringing the curtain down on the Nazi past. As also mentioned earlier, a group of writers and journal- ists, the so-called Gruenwalder Circle, has done much to ex- pose the activities of neo-Nazi publishers and writers. In 1959 an excellent series of articles was published by Thomas Gnilka in the Frankfurter Rundschau under the title “They Have Learned Nothing.” 5 It documented the far-flung net- work of neo-Nazi organizations and their growing influence on Germany’s youth. As usual such revelations were dismissed by German authorities as alarmist or were branded by the Rightists as “Moscow-inspired.” A few years ago the gifted writer and critic, Erich Kuby, depicted the arrogant General Ramcke in a radio play, using him to demonstrate the criminal nature of Hitler’s Wehr- macht. The play had its aftermath in a libel suit against the author, tried before a court in Hamburg. In a rare turnabout, 159 The Other Germany the State Prosecutor sided with the author, and asked for dis- missal of the case. In the spring of 1957, eighteen leading atomic scientists in West Germany published a manifesto warning against the use of atomic bombs and giving their solemn pledge not to take part in any research or production of nuclear weapons. It was an almost revolutionary act, challenging the German philos- ophy of the unquestioned supremacy of the state and obedi- ence from its academic servants. Dr. Adenauer answered the academic protest with an angry statement that arming with atom bombs was “a political question which should be of no concern to scientists because they are not qualified to judge such matters.” There is a long honor roll of religious leaders who have fearlessly spoken up against the trend toward renazification and remilitarization. Dr. Eugen Kogon, the editor of the Frankfurter Hefte, has been mentioned before. There is the Catholic paper Michael, outspoken in its criticism of the Nazi past and its latter-day disciples. There are Protestant leaders like the Reverend Dr. Gruber and Pastor Niemoeller, who have often admonished the German people to reform. There are pacifists like Dr. Klara-Marie Fassbinder, Fritz Kuester, and Otto Lehmann-Russbueld, who have continuously raised their voices against the revival of German militarism. Praise must also go to those Protestants and Catholics who have made great strides in promoting Christian-Jewish relations. Admirable work has been done by Erich Lueth, Director of Press and Public Relations in Hamburg, who organized friendship trips to Israel and also arranged mass pilgrimages of thousands of German youth to honor the victims who died in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. Yet, in spite of the many courageous men and women who are fighting for a better Germany, this minority has little effect. The reality of the situation was made impressively 160 Germany Today clear to me during extensive discussions I had with a highly respected German newspaperman. When I suggested that the student protests against the Minister of Education Schlueter and the manifesto of the eighteen atomic scientists had raised my hopes for a reconstructed and politically more mature Germany, this well-informed observer warned me emphati- cally against drawing the wrong conclusions from such iso- lated incidents. He pointed out that behind the democratic facade of the Bonn Republic the conservative-nationalistic Germany was reorganizing her forces. Here is how my in- formant analyzed the political trends in present-day Germany: There are a variety of power factors and purposes at work in Germany’s body politics. It would be oversimplification to judge things according to the party labels, such as “Chris- tian Democrats” and “Social Democrats,” or to differentiate between “Left” and “Right.” There are only a few who deeply believe in a democratic constitution. Most Germans are still imbued with a nationalistic fanaticism, even if out- wardly they appear politically indifferent. The majority are satisfied to be ruled by a “strong man,” an undisguised auto- crat. The Chancellor is backed by the industrial and financial oligarchy of Rhine and Ruhr and by the powerful Catholic Church. With a highly interlocked officialdom running the federal administration and the Christian Democratic Union, Dr. Adenauer has a first-class instrument for controlling the entire country, manipulating public opinion, and winning elections. The Social Democrats have little chance of gaining a major- ity. In the nationalistic view of the voters, they are not stub en- rein — not reliable; they are regarded as “un-German.” * * Under the Kaiser the Social Democrats were accused of being “traitors to the Fatherland”; in the Weimar Republic they were blamed for the “stab in the back” that allegedly brought Germany’s defeat in World War I; at present they have been branded, even by Dr. Adenauer, as “unpatriotic” and “unrelia- ble.” Yet the fact is that the late Social Democratic leader, Kurt Schumacher, was extremely nationalistic, and so is a large Rightist faction of the party. 161 The Other Germany As long as the boom economy lasts, the Social Demo- crats will be supported by a third of the electorate, chiefly by union-conscious workers. But the majority of the nation will always back the conservative-Rightist coalition. Most ob- servers believe that if there is a slump there will be a strong pull to the radical Right. A trend toward the Left in West Germany is highly im- probable, because the neo-Nazis and nationalist-activists make up at least 20 percent of the people. They set the pace for the indifferent masses. In case of a crisis they will have the backing of the industrialists, the government, the police, and the army. They will pull the majority of the people with them. The democratic-liberal Left is not strong enough to prevent another dictatorship; it represents less than 5 percent of the population. They write letters to the editor today, but they will not die on the barricades. They are individuals with- out leadership, and without a hope for the future. Kurt P. Tauber, writing in the New York Times Magazine (December 27, 1959), stated that under Dr. Adenauer’s leader- ship “has come the return to social, economic and political power of precisely those commercial and industrial elites who supported a megalomaniac imperialism under the Empire.” These groups kept their privileges under Hitler and they are wielding power again today: “They do not much care whether they hold it under a monarchy, share it with a petty bourgeois dictatorship or wield it in a conservative republic.” Mr. Tau- ber found that they remained “what they always were: fiercely anti-socialist, largely anti-democratic, authoritarian in their social views and habits of thought, opposed to what they call the excesses of party democracy. . . . They tend to be anti- Semitic in a generalized way and they are intensely patriotic.” The German bureaucrats, reported Mr. Tauber, “are to- day largely recruited from the same authoritarian-conservative circles as in the past. . . . To pretend that they have a deep commitment to the democratic state they are serving is egre- 162 Germany Today gious nonsense. . . . The total absence of any inner relation- ship to the Bonn Republic gives rise to cynicism and apathy, and plays into the hands of those who wish to discredit the entire democratic process.” In spite of the large majorities that Adenauer polled in the elections, the Federal Republic enjoys no popularity among the masses. This was confirmed in a front-page edi- torial in the Frankfurter Allgemeine of May 14, 1958: “No- body loves this republic, nobody shows her a friendly interest, and there are only a few who speak politely of her institutions and symbols.” Here then is the tragic situation of the so-called “other Germany”: It is made up of a woefully small group of mature individuals, who are isolated and often bitterly despised and vilified by their own people. They are democrats without a democratic party; they are without a political home. Their potential contribution to the postwar German republic has never been nurtured. In fact, they have been almost com- pletely ignored by the Allies from the beginning of the oc- cupation. PART THREE Moral Insanity 13 Nazis in the Courts In 1956 the Hamburg lumber merchant Friedrich Nieland published an anti-Jewish brochure entitled How Many World (Money) Wars Do Nations Have To Lose? Nieland’s tract spoke of “the enormous lie about the gassing and slaughter of six million Jews.” Germans, declared Herr Nieland, “are by their very nature unable to commit such brutal crimes.” He then charged that “the entire maneuver of destruction was initiated by secret representatives of international Jewry.” * Having relieved the Germans of all guilt, Herr Nieland warned that international Jewry is “plotting the extermina- tion of the white race in a third world war,” and insisted that “no Jew should sit in any important position, be it in the government, political parties, banking or elsewhere.” Two thousand copies of the brochure were mailed to all deputies of the German Bundestag and the Laender parlia- ments, and to officials in the ministries. Almost a year went by before one of the recipients requested an investigation. * This shifting of blame for the mass gassing of millions of people to the “secret representatives of international Jewry” has been echoed in the neo- Nazi and expellee press, as well as in the Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung. 166 Moral Insanity The public prosecutor in Hamburg saw neither libel nor danger to the state and therefore refused to sustain an indict- ment. The court reasoned that Nieland’s attack was directed ■only against international Jewry, not against the Jewish peo- ple. On January 6, 1959, the Hanseatic Supreme Court re- jected the prosecutor’s appeal, thereby granting Herr Nieland legal immunity to give his brochure mass circulation.* Within a few days the Nieland case caused an uproar in the press — both democratic and conservative — which centered the pub- lic interest on the whole judicial system. 1 The presiding judge in the criminal court that had first decided in favor of author Nieland was Dr. Enno Budde, a jurist whose unsavory political record was soon revealed in several leading newspapers. Dr. Budde, as a young law stu- dent, had been a fierce fighter against the Weimar Republic. In his antidemocratic actions Budde had often overstepped the limits of what was permitted under the very lenient Wei- mar regime. Yet this enemy of democracy was later appointed a judge in the Weimar Republic. The Nazi victory in 1933 brought fulfillment to Judge Budde’s nationalistic longings. In several articles he had praised the racial laws against the Jews and hailed Hitler as the oustanding protector and purifier of the Teutonic people. It was this Dr. Enno Budde, enemy of the republic, anti-Semite, and admirer of Hitler, whom the Bonn admin- istration appointed as the presiding judge over the Verfas- sungsschutzkammer — the Court for the Protection of the Constitution. Dr. Budde proved to be a strange guardian of the law. There were a number of cases in which he acquitted SS men accused of brutal crimes in concentration camps. On other occasions this Nazi judge openly demonstrated his sym- pathy for the Gestapo by showing them extraordinary leni- ency.f • The circulation of the brochure was later stopped by another court action, ■f “Enno Budde — Richter aus Blut und Boden,” Frankfurter Rundschau, Jan- 167 Nazis in the Courts One of Germany’s leading journalists, Dr. Paul Sethe, wrote a long editorial in which he stated bluntly that the Nieland-Budde affair could not be regarded as unique. Bonn’s judicial system, Sethe contended, was still dominated by the spirit of the twenties which had caused the downfall of the Weimar Republic and had paved the way for Hitler. “We believe,” said the editorial, “that this miscarriage of justice [eine schlimme Fehlentscheidung] would never have oc- curred if the judges had had some of the stench of the Auschwitz crematoria in their nostrils.” Dr. Sethe suggested a thorough investigation of the political past of all judges who had participated in the decision. The editorial ended despairingly: “We are outraged and sorrowful; we feel ashamed, deeply ashamed.” 2 The German judiciary has posed problems since the early postwar years when the victorious Allies tried to reorganize the courts.* In Bavaria, which supposedly was “denazified” under the American occupation, the courts have been staffed with the old Nazi law officers. It has been reported that “as many as 85 percent of the judges have Nazi records.” 3 Because of America’s preoccupation with German rearma- ment, very little attention has been paid by the U.S. press to the conditions in the German judiciary. In Europe, however, leading papers have frequently sounded alarms. An experi- enced observer of the German scene, Brian Connell, former chief of the Daily Mail bureau in Germany and later foreign affairs correspondent of the News Chronicle, has told in his book A Watcher on the Rhine of “hair-raising cases” in which Gestapo and Waffen SS mass murderers were acquitted in uary 19 and 20, 1959. Because of the strong criticism of the press, Budde was soon quietly transferred to a court dealing with rent control and real estate cases. * This chapter on the German judiciary is based on several thousand press reports on German war crimes and court cases which I have collected over the last twelve years. 168 Moral Insanity spite of overwhelming evidence, even in instances where the accused had “blithely admitted” their guilt. Mr. Connell traced the frequent acquittal of Nazi war criminals to the fact that there is “little ideological difference between a judi- ciary partly staffed by ex-Nazis and the accused.” 4 An editorial in Die Welt stated that the German judiciary is unable to deal with the Nazi past: “It can be said that the misdeeds committed in the concentration camps and death factories could have been prosecuted much earlier if the Ger- man judiciary and administration had not been staffed with judges and bureaucrats whose own shirts are not free from dark spots and who, therefore, secretly sympathize with the culprits of the Nazi regime.” 5 The Nieland-Budde affair turned the spotlight on many more judges and prosecutors who had been appointed to im- portant positions in the Bonn judiciary. On January 22, 1959, the Bundestag had a debate on the subject. The Social Demo- cratic opposition charged that the Adenauer administration had failed to screen high officials, had been too eager to close the files of the Nazi past, and had not presented a full docu- mentation of the crimes committed in the concentration camps. In numerous newspaper articles, political and legal experts agreed that conditions in the judiciary were lamentable, to say the least. 6 And it was a high law enforcement officer, Prosecutor General Max Guede, who had the courage to point to the most sensitive spot in the German judiciary— the Nazi past of thousands of German judges and prosecutors. In a lecture before the Evangelical Academy in Bad Boll, on October 19, 1958, Dr. Guede declared that judges should be- come conscious of the fact that they “were all guilty of having betrayed the idea of justice” and that, by serving the Nazis, they had become “tools of injustice and instruments of terror.” * • Frankfurter Allgemeine, October 29, 1958. Dr. Guede supported his state- 169 Nazis in the Courts The German authorities had created special laws of terror in Czechoslovakia, Poland, and other conquered countries. Everywhere German judges sent innocent people by the tens of thousands to the gallows or before the firing squads. The court records, still available, show them not. as guardians of the law, but as “a legal terror squad,” helping to establish “German order” over the world. It was these judges who kept Hitler’s hangmen and the firing squads busy until the end of the war. The German press showed that death sentences were often given for the slightest infractions of German occupation rules: For a critical remark. For slaughtering a pig without a permit. For stealing some bread. For violating a curfew law. For singing a verb o ten song. For giving a cigarette to a prisoner. For sheltering a six-year-old Jewish child for a few hours. To a Pole for allegedly “hurting a German police dog.” To a German bank director for having “expressed doubts about the ultimate victory.” To a Catholic priest for having made a political joke. To a German for having relations with a Jewish woman. To a Polish servant girl for having been “disobedient” t& her German mistress. These few examples, taken at random, could be multiplied by hundreds.* In cases where no witness or no evidence was ment with a frightful statistic. During the four and one-half years of the First World War, the German courts, by stern application of severe laws, sentenced altogether 141 civilians to death. During the Second World War, Hitler’s judges sent at least 16,000 civilians to the gallows in Germany alone. The ratio in the military courts was: First World War, 48 executions; Second World War, 6,000 executions. * Tier Spiegel of January 13 and February 17, i960, reported that Socialist students from West Berlin and Karlsruhe had arranged an exhibition of court documents incriminating several hundred high law officials who once had served as Hitler’s instruments of terror. After inspecting the material, Prose- 170 Moral Insanity presented, the judges declared that the accused “was capable” of being antagonistic to German aims. Der Spiegel called these court procedures “remarkable cases of legal lynching.” In an article, “Nazis in the German Judiciary,” the Man- chester Guardian Weekly reported that “around 360,000 Czechs died during the Nazi occupation between 1939 and 1945; many of them were judicially murdered.” With 2,000 ‘German legal officials having served in Czechoslovakia, the paper believes that there is an urgent need “for a large-scale investigation of the entire West German judiciary.” 7 According to newspaper reports, 17 of Hitler’s former judges hold office today in Germany’s highest tribunal, the Federal Court at Karlsruhe; 27 others are presidents or direc- tors of provincial courts. 8 A judge of the Federal Constitu- tional Court in Karlsruhe, Wilhelm Ellinghaus, recently de- clared: “The worst thing is, it seems to me, that hundreds of former military judges who condemned thirty thousand people to death mainly for trifles, are today back on the benches.” 9 Here are the profiles of a few judges and prosecutors whose records have been cited in Der Spiegel and elsewhere in the press. Dr. Ernst Kanter: known as the “hanging judge” in occu- pied Denmark; sentenced several hundred persons to death. Earlier, in Germany, he had condemned dozens of “enemies of the state” to death or hard labor. In 1950 he was put in charge of a department in the Federal Ministry of Justice. In 1958 he was appointed Senate President at the Federal Court in Karlsruhe, the equivalent of a U. S. Supreme Court judge. Dr. Konrad Roediger: former legal expert in the Foreign Office; was implicated by documents and linked with the cutor General Guede said: “These photostats were made from original docu- ments. I checked these sentences and I am shocked.” 171 Nazis in the Courts liquidation of millions of Jews. He serves today as a high judge at the Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe. Dr. Eisele: notorious Nazi terror judge in Prague; was re- turned by U.S. authorities to Czechoslovakia to stand trial as a war criminal. When released, after serving five years in prison, he was appointed director of the Upper Provincial Court in Stuttgart. Under mounting criticism he was finally suspended in 1959. Dr. Otto Schweinsberger: served as military judge in the East; sentenced dozens of people to be executed for minor violations of occupation rules. He became Senior Prosecutor in Frankfurt despite his Nazi record. He was suspended from office December 1958, and later retired. Dr. Werner Rhode: was known as a fanatical Nazi prose- cutor before a special court in Prague; asked for dozens of death sentences for persons accused of being “enemies of the Reich.” Today he serves as head of a department in the Min- istry of Justice in Schleswig-Holstein. His name has been linked with several judicial scandals in that state. Dr. Rehder-Knoespel: once Chief Prosecutor in Prague; was called “the hangman” for his ruthless persecution of Czech patriots. On February 8, 1944, he demanded the death sentence for seven Czechs for having given food to a Soviet prisoner. One of the executed was a pregnant woman. He functions today as Senior Public Prosecutor in Mannheim. Dr. Muhs: was president of a special court in Poland (Radom); left his mark there with many death sentences. He once condemned a Pole for having sheltered a Jewish child. He is today presiding judge at the Upper Provincial Court in Hamm. Dr. Bruchhaus: has a notorious record as Hitler’s overeager prosecutor in Poland; asked for the death sentence for a Dr. Neubeck for “being capable of hatred against Germany.” He is today a prosecutor at the Provincial Court in Wuppertal. 172 Moral Insanity Dr. Hucklenbroich: was presiding judge at a special court in Poznan; according to Der Spiegel, he “chopped off heads at the order of his Fuehrer.” For “hostility to Germany” or stealing a piece of luggage, he imposed the death sentence. He serves today as senior judge at the Provincial Court in Wuppertal. Dr. Reimers: was once presiding judge of the Appeals Court in Czechoslovakia; practiced “legal lynching” on a large scale. He serves today as judge at the Provincial Court in Ravensburg. Dr. Arthur Neumann: Nazi judge of a military court; wrote his wife during the war that he was “proud to have earned the name the ‘bloody judge.’ ” He became Senate President of the Provincial Court in Berlin (Die Zeit, Decem- ber 12, 1957). Dr. Harry von Rosen-Hoewel: was professor of law; in 1942 advocated the conquest of Lebensraum in the East through “special treatment of Poles and Jews.” Today he serves as Senior Federal Prosecutor at the Oberverwaltungs- gericht — a high administrative court. Dr. Franz Schlueter: was one of Hitler’s judges in Czecho- slovakia and later in Austria; on April 28, 1945, he dispatched seventeen people at once to the execution block. In his de- nazification procedure Dr. Schlueter denied any guilt, but the presiding judge fined him 50,000 marks and stated: “Never before has a defendant appeared before this court who has told so many lies.” In 1950, Dr. Schlueter became a high official in the Federal Ministry of Justice. Later he was appointed to an important position at the Federal Patent Office in Munich (Frankfurter Rundschau, July 1, 1957). The “honor role” of the German judiciary would make a lengthy list. To the embarrassment of the Bonn government, a committee in East Germany published the names and records of more than one thousand military judges and prose- cutors who had staffed Hitler’s legal terror squads in the East 173 Nazis in the Courts and who now dispense justice in the Federal Republic. The Bonn government has until now kept all official records of Nazi judges and bureaucrats under lock and key. In fairness it must be stated that not all judges and prose- cutors permitted themselves to serve the Nazi regime. It cer- tainly was not easy to dispense justice under Hitler, but there were ways and means of remaining honorable, even if one had to risk the scorn of the big and little tyrants. 10 Some judges re- tired, others used a kind of legal guerrilla warfare against the system. Such judges often sent the accused to prison for three to five years in order to keep them from being caught by the Gestapo and sent to the death camps of the SS. But these judges remained a pitiful minority. Even today this minority does not have the power or influence to enforce a general reformation of their profession. A courageous jurist like Dr. Guede has met considerable criticism from his colleagues. Attempts have been made to pin the blame exclusively on Hitler and the “Nazi laws.” The truth is that many German law officials have always shown a proclivity toward a callous disregard for justice and decency. The roots of this attitude reach deep into the German past. The judges and prosecutors in imperial Germany were known to be arrogant; they posed blatantly as the protectors of the ruling groups and were far removed from democratic concepts. Klassenjustiz was the term often used to characterize the judiciary of that period. With the collapse of the monarchy in 1918, the German judges were taken over by the republic and not one law official was dismissed. The overwhelming majority of judges and prosecutors felt a burning hatred and contempt for the Weimar Republic, its representatives, and its institutions. The law was used to harass and vilify the supporters of the ■democratic system, and to protect the monarchists, the polit- ical saboteurs, and the Nazi street fighters and murder gangs. 11 Wilhelm Roepke has testified to the hostility of German 174 Moral Insanity students toward labor groups. He himself was present when some students “kidnapped fifteen workmen from a neighbor- ing village and murdered them while under transport.” The reason: “shot while attempting to escape.” The perpetrators of the crime “remained unpunished,” and those who had testified in court earned “the hatred and anger of the domi- nant groups of professors and students in the university.” According to Professor Roepke, the students and the profes- sors of law were the worst of them all: In Germany there were indeed few faculties of law that were not filled with the spirit of obdurate antiliberalism, antidemocratism, nationalism and anti-Semitism, and it was this spirit that was thus carried into the life of the country by those who later became judges, administrative officials, and lawyers. 12 Hitler’s coming to power was acclaimed by these nation- alistic judges and prosecutors. According to the aforemen- tioned Judge Ellinghaus, the great majority of law officials became Nazi party members in 1933. The most fanatical and ruthless volunteered for the honor of becoming instruments of terror. These judges were appointed to sit on People’s Courts, military courts, or special courts, where they com- peted with the SS in destroying enemies of the state and in liquidating the Jews. They ruthlessly decimated the Slavic nations in order to conquer Lebensraum for the German master race. The majority of German judges have always served “the law” and the powers-in-being. Judges, prosecutors, and ad- ministrators — the Globkes, Kanters, and Buddes — like to pose as legal experts and technicians. They prefer to serve autocrats and they are eager to seize power, but they refuse to assume responsibility for their conduct and action. In every system of government they are “indispensable.” They were indispensable to the Kaiser, and after 1918 to the Weimar Republic. In 1933 they became indispensable to the Nazis, 175 Nazis in the Courts and after 1945 to the occupying powers. In 1949 they became indispensable to the Bonn Republic. They will again become indispensable on some future day when a new “strong man” has appeared on the German scene. 14 “Bureaucracy of Murder” When Adolf Hitler committed suicide in the bunker of his bombed-out Chancellery in April 1945, he left behind him a fanatical leadership corps which, in numbers and training, was without precedent in recorded history. What has hap- pened to the several hundred thousand men who represented the elite of the Nazi party? Let us take a look at the German police. Frequent com- plaints have been made by the democratic opposition that key posts in the police hierarchy of the larger states, such as North Rhine-Westphalia, Schleswig-Holstein, and Bavaria, have been swamped with former SS officers and Gestapo offi- cials. 1 It has been reported that many of them “had forged their records to conceal their Nazi past.” 2 On October 16, 1959, the Social Democrats complained that twenty SS officers had wormed their way into top police positions in the State of North Rhine-Westphalia. They named specifically the chiefs of the Criminal Divisions in such cities as Cologne, Dortmund, and Essen. It was pointed out that these former Gestapo officials had conspired with the Nazis in the dying days of the Weimar Republic. The Socialists charged that the 177 “Bureaucracy of Murder” whole police organization is dominated by a clique of former Nazis who see to it that promotions and appointments are awarded to reliable SS men. In March 1959 the government of Baden-Wuerttemberg reported to the Diet that 15a former Gestapo officials were in the service of the state police and that 215 others received state pensions. 3 The chief of the Criminal Department in the city of Stuttgart is the former Gestapo official Dobritz, who was sentenced to death in absentia by a French court for tor- ture and manslaughter. 4 During the last two years, a number of high police officials were arrested and charged with being implicated in Gestapo murder cases. The police captain Friedrich Simon, of Gelsen- kirchen, was charged with the shooting of 20 concentration camp prisoners. 5 In April 1959 the State Prosecutor launched an investigation of 23 police officers in the city of Berlin, all suspected of having been involved in the mass murder of 97,000 Jews in Bialystok, Poland. 6 In July 1959 the chief of the Criminal Division of the Palatinate state police, Dr. Georg Heuser, was arrested and charged with the liquidation of thousands of Jews in the city of Minsk, Poland. 7 An important official in the state government of Lower Sax- ony, Gerhard Schneider, once commander of an SS terror task force, was charged with having ordered mass executions in Poland and Russia. 8 The head of the Criminal Department in the city of Saarbruecken, the former Gestapo official Klem- mer, was arrested in 1 959. He admitted having ordered mass executions in the East. 9 In January i960 the Interior Minister of Hesse announced the arrest of the chief of the State Crim- inal Division, Police Commissioner Georg Lothar Hoffmann. He was charged with having committed mass liquidations in the Maidanek concentration camp in Poland. 10 A top offi- cial in the Criminal Department of the state police in Han- nover, Bodo Struck, was charged with having participated in the murder of 95,000 Jews in a district in the East. 11 A special 178 Moral Insanity dispatch in the New York Times reported the suspension of the chief of the Bonn Criminal Police Force, Dr. Hans Maly. He was charged with “having misapplied the law while a member of the Nazi Security Police.” 12 For many years police officers involved in mass executions- had little to fear from the courts. Their standard explana- tion was that they had acted “on orders” and were “not con- scious of wrongdoing.” This was often sufficient to obtain an acquittal. Criminal Inspector Ewald Sudau of Minden, a former Gestapo official, was charged with the killing of 150 Jews. He was acquitted for “lack of evidence.” 13 Charges were dropped against “250 German policemen accused of murder- ing 20,000 Jews in Lithuania and Russia in 1941.” Their de- fense was that “they themselves would have been killed if they had refused to carry out the executions.” 14 The appointment of former SS officers to responsible positions in the Bonn Verfassungsschutz — the Office for the Protection of the Constitution — has been mentioned earlier. This policy has caused sharp comments in the democratic section of the German press. 15 The chief of the Internal Security Department in the Interior Ministry, the German FBI, is Dr. Rudolf Toyka; he was a member of the Nazi party from 1935 to 1945. 16 Bonn’s super-cloak-and-dagger service is headed by Hitler’s former Intelligence chief, General Reinhard Gehlen. The Bureau Gehlen is staffed with 4,000 former SS officers and SD (security) agents. 17 The filling of sensitive law-enforcement and security agencies with thousands of ex-Nazi officials is bound to create problems for a democratic society. Serious problems have already arisen. Dr. Werner Hofmeister, Minister of Justice in Lower Saxony, believes that “a Nazi underground is working in Germany with the aim of obstructing law en- forcement.” 18 It is obvious that the law-enforcement agencies 179 “Bureaucracy of Murder” are remiss in their duties when an estimated 100,000 persons can live undetected for many years under false identities in a country which has an otherwise efficient police system. It has been suspected for a long time that a secret bond exists between the former top Nazis and certain legal ex- perts who today control the German police and the judiciary. People who have had the opportunity to study the Bonn bureaucracy at close range have noticed a dismaying intimacy between the old Nazi hierarchy and their former legal aides and subordinates. The deep involvement of a whole governing body in a barbaric crime is the strongest agent for cementing group loyalty. Government and party officials, as well as the SS men, were all accomplices in the Nazi mass murder. The sadistic guards in the torture camps and the “technicians” in the death factories worked only at the end of the assembly line which originated with the legal experts who wrote the text and the commentary for the Nuremberg racial laws. Without the help of these officials Hitler could not have managed the war, administered occupied Europe, and carried out the “Final Solution.” Participation in such past crimes often has far-reaching consequences today. A well-prepared dossier that threat- ens to reveal the Nazi record of a high official, a prosecutor, an industrialist, or editor, often serves as a weapon to bring an official or public figure into line. The neo-Nazi press has frequently used blackmail tactics against political leaders by threatening to expose their former collaboration with the Nazis.* •The best-known case concerns President Theodor Heuss, who was “re- minded” that he had once written articles for the Goebbels newspaper Das Reich (see Nation Europa, Nos. 6 and 10, 1958). A similar “reminder” was given to Bundestag President Eugen Gerstenmaier in Nation Europa No 7 (>958). 180 Moral Insanity It has been said that a “bureaucracy of murder” was func- tioning in Hitler’s days.* It would be a fatal illusion to believe that this awful secret fraternity is no longer in exist- ence. The Naumann case demonstrated the close inter- dependence of the old Nazi faithfuls. Justice was obstructed with the full knowledge and cooperation of top officials in the government and the judiciary. In several other cases it has come to light that prosecutors and high officeholders “neglected” their duties and thereby helped make possible the escape of convicted Nazis. Collu- sion has been proved in the escape of the Bonn diplomat Dr. Franz Rademacher, who was found guilty of having or- dered the gassing of thousands of Jews in Yugoslavia. The same collaboration was true in the escape of Dr. Hans Eisele, a concentration camp physician guilty of murdering thou- sands of prisoners. Dr. Hans Eisele had been sentenced to death by an Ameri- can court for mass killing and medical experiments on Allied prisoners in Buchenwald. According to press reports, Dr. Eisele’s sentence was later commuted and he became a privi- leged prisoner. Some time in 1952 he was released for good conduct on the basis of an agreement reached with the Bonn government. As a “late homecomer” (the euphemistic Ger- man term for war criminal), he got an immediate sum of 6,000 marks. Next came a loan of 25,000 marks to enable him to open a medical practice. With it went a number of identification papers and certificates informing all authorities that Dr. Eisele had an unimpeachable record. Thus outsiders did not know that he was a former “red-jacket” (as the in- • “Many acts of mass murder and torture originated at administrative desks. Those gentlemen who issued orders, worked over files, and stamped the docu- ments, are the ones who bear the full responsibility. Today they represent the bureaucracy of murder even if they did not personally participate in the kill- ings” (Suddeutsche Zeitung, July 14, 1958). 181 “Bureaucracy of Murder” mates of the death cells were called) from Landsberg. He was admitted for practice in the State Insurance Office. In 1954 a former Buchenwald inmate discovered that Dr. Eisele was living comfortably in a suburb outside Munich. It was then that the first official complaint reached the Munich prosecutor, Dr. von Decker. A lengthy correspond- ence followed. The prosecutor asked for more evidence. He was given names of witnesses and other detailed information. However, no action followed until almost four years later, in May 1958, when new complaints about Dr. Eisele reached the prosecutor and the police. By that time the name of Dr. Eisele had appeared in the headlines. The doctor had talked a widow patient of his into an agreement under which his wife would inherit a large, fashionable villa in exchange for medical treatment for the widow during the remainder of her lifetime. A will was drawn up, and soon afterward the widow died. Relatives of the widow contested the will and the newspapers reported that there was suspicion about the manner of her death. During the trial of the SS guard Martin Sommer, witnesses named Dr. Eisele as the real mass killer of Buchenwald. Thereupon things became uncomfortable for the doctor. A senator in Munich approached the Chief of Police, Anton Heigl, and asked the immediate arrest of Dr. Eisele. By this time all the police knew about the Buchenwald doctor. But there was no action, either by the police or by the prosecu- tor. 19 When the pressure mounted and the case could no longer be ignored, Dr. Eisele was warned in time to disappear. With the usual help of the Nazi underground, Dr. Eisele fled to Egypt, but he had enough time to sell some of his belongings. After a thorough investigation the Justice Minister dismissed the prosecutor, Dr. von Decker, for having neglected his duties. It turned out that the prosecutor was an “old fighter” 182 Moral Insanity who had joined the Nazi party back in 1931. The Associa- tion of Judges and Prosecutors protested. They demanded and got Dr. Decker’s immediate reinstatement. If there was ever the slightest doubt that a kind of Nazi Mafia, a “bureaucracy of murder,” is operating on the high- est administrative level, such doubts were eliminated in late 1959, with the exposure of the official protection given to the long-wanted mass murderer Dr. Werner Heyde. In 1949, Dr. Heyde, under an assumed name, resumed his medical career in the northern town of Flensburg in Schles- wig-Holstein, where he soon acquired considerable social standing. Numerous reports and articles in the German press have told in detail how this Nazi fugitive lived unmolested for twelve years under his alias, “Dr. Fritz Sawade,” without be- ing asked for his diploma or credentials. Elevated to top medical positions by the authorities, “Dr. Sawade” was pro- tected from discovery by key officials in the government de- partments and the judiciary. In order to understand the significance and implications of this case it is necessary to take a brief look at the historical setting in which this member of the medical profession com- mitted his crimes. Dr. Werner Heyde was thirty-one years old when Hitler came to power in 1933. As a young psychia- trist, he was as deeply devoted to his studies in neurology as he was obsessed with the nationalistic aims of his Fuehrer. The dapper SS officer Dr. Heyde soon became an intimate confidant of Hitler’s chief medical advisers. His contacts with the Nazi hierarchy helped to pave the way for a quick professional career. The young neurologist and Brigadier General of the SS was soon rewarded with a professorship at the University of Wuerzburg. In 1939 he was appointed director of the Department of Neurology at the university clinic. It was the year in which Hitler decided to make an all-out effort to conquer Lebensraum for the master race. 183 “Bureaucracy of Murder” Along with the military build-up, secret preparations had been made long in advance to mobilize reliable members of the medical profession in order to carry out a plan of mass murder. In a secret letter of September 1, 1939, Hitler gave authority to his trusted physicians “to the end that patients considered incurable . . . may be granted a merciful death.” Under the euphemistic term “euthanasia,” elaborate plans were made to get rid of all incurables, all the feeble-minded, crippled children, and invalids, in order to eliminate all “useless eaters” during wartime and to have “full utilization of hospitals and nursing institutions.” 20 But this was not all. Included in the program was a scheme for the liquidation of tens of thousands of political prisoners and Jews from the concentration camps. The enormous mass murder project was carried out behind the facade of three “welfare” organizations.* The so-called “mercy death” in many cases became synonymous with in- describable torture and agony. The indictment in the Nu- remberg “Doctors’ Trial” stated that the “victims of these crimes numbered in the hundreds of thousands.” According to testimony in the “Doctors’ Trial,” Professor Heyde not only emptied the hospitals and asylums but he also went to Dachau and other concentration camps, where, on the basis of Gestapo files, he selected “enemies of the state” and Jews by the thousands and marked them for liquidation in the gas chambers. By the end of 1940 the mass killing had reached such pro- • In 1939 the Reich Association for Hospital and Nursing Establishments was founded. Its purpose was to register and “process” all patients marked for liquidation. A second organization, the Charitable Foundation for Institu- tional Care, was entrusted with the financial arrangements and the installation of a dozen gassing and extermination centers. The appointed head of both charitable fronts was Dr. Werner Heyde. A third group, the Nonprofit Patient- Transport Corporation, run by the SS, as were the other two, had the task of shipping thousands of patients from the hospitals and asylums to the extermi- nation mills (Mitscherlich, Doctors of Infamy). 184 Moral Insanity portions that the extermination practice became common knowledge to large sections of the German population.* On August 3, 1941, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Muenster, Count von Galen, made his famous protest from the pulpit. Thousands of copies were made and circulated secretly among the opponents of the Nazi regime. Unable to keep the mass extermination a secret, Hitler decided in 1941 to trans- fer the gassing installations to the conquered territories in the East. Here the extermination process, according to Hoess, the commander of Auschwitz, was “improved” so that mil- lions of victims could be accommodated. The transfer of Hitler’s main charnel houses to the East left Dr. Heyde and his medical colleagues in no way un- employed. They continued “euthanasia” on a smaller scale. “Only” a few thousand each month were killed by deadly injections, but many had to submit to medical experiments. It was revealed in the “Doctors’ Trial” that victims were kept for hours in icy cold water, others got injections of deadly bacilli, and some were subjected to slow starving under painstaking observation. When the Allies occupied Germany in 1945, they found everything: the complete files of “euthanasia,” the reports and pictures of the “tests,” the laboratories, the torture chambers, and the mounds of corpses — but they didn’t find Dr. Werner Heyde. It was two years before the honorable professor was arrested in Wuerzburg. Soon, however, he • Thousands of families who heard of the sudden deaths of relatives due to “heart failure” became uneasy and tried to penetrate the mystery. Heinrich Himmler stated in December 1940: “I hear that there is great unrest in the Wuerttemberg Mountains on account of the Grafeneck Institution. The people know the gray SS bus and think they know what happens in the crematory with its ever-smoking chimney. What does happen there is a secret, and yet it is a secret no longer.” Dr. Franz Schlegelberger of the Reich Ministry of Justice wrote in March 1941 that rumors were spreading throughout Germany in regard to “the elimination of a few hundred thousand mental patients.” 185 “Bureaucracy 0} Murder” escaped from Allied custody under mysterious circumstances, on a transport. Heyde then went underground and found refuge with wealthy friends as a gardener. In 1949 he felt safe enough to reappear as “Dr. Sawade.” Although the pro- fessor’s picture appeared regularly on the “wanted” list, the fugitive with an impressive criminal record felt abso- lutely safe in Flensburg. His real name and his past deeds were known to many of his colleagues, to high police and court officials, and to the upper strata of the town. 21 Dr. Heyde’s new professional career in the Bonn Republic was phenomenal. From the start “Dr. Sawade” had the help of influential circles in Flensburg and prominent officials in Schleswig-Holstein. 22 In 1949 the mayor of Flensburg ap- pointed “Dr. Sawade” a physician for the municipal athletic school. Two years later “Dr. Sawade” began a medical prac- tice as a psychiatrist. Soon he became official Gutachter — an expert who prepared medical reports for the State Insurance Office. Later he was appointed Ob <er gutachter — a senior ex- pert officially employed in court cases involving medical testimony. It has been reported that “Dr. Sawade’s” income as a Gutachter for the State Insurance Office alone was more than 300,000 marks, earned over a period of six years. “Dr. Sawade” became a man of wealth and reputation. He owned a well-kept villa in an exclusive section of Flensburg, and his cream-colored, flashy sports car was known all over town. Thus the honorable doctor was respected and liked as the “charming widower” who played the lion among Flensburg’s high society. Had not his wife declared in 1951 that Dr. Heyde was dead? Had she not requested a pension as the widow of a man on the “wanted” list? (It has been estimated that Dr. Heyde was responsible for the deaths of 60,000 in the asylums and 140,000 political prisoners from the con- centration camps.) 23 The “widow” received a pension of 64,500 marks from 1952 to 1959. Yet, at the same time, Frau 186 Moral Insanity Erika Heyde and her two sons, living in southern Germany, kept up a lively correspondence with a “Dr. Sawade” up in the north. When the story appeared in early November 1959, leading court officials and police officers came under suspicion of having stalled the arrest proceedings in order to give Dr. Heyde sufficient time to escape. Every day the papers re- ported additional names of high officials who had known the Heyde-Sawade secret for a long time. There were strong efforts to hush up the affair. Even the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, a loyal Adenauer paper, stated in a front-page edi- torial (December 15, 1959) that the Heyde case had grown into a major political scandal. The editorial said: “Something must be wrong if a Dr. Sawade could carry on his profession in official splendor for many years. Not all the facts have been made public yet, and we don’t know who is responsible for the mess, but those frantic efforts to avoid a ‘scandal’ will in turn become the true scandal.” The Prosecutor General of the State, Dr. Adolf Voss, and several cabinet members, were accused of having known the Heyde mystery. Even the Minister-President, Kai-Uwe von Hassel, came under suspicion, but he denied any knowledge of the case. After the Social Democrats demanded an in- vestigation in the Landtag, the president of the Provincial Court, Dr. Ernst Buresch, was suspended for complicity in the case. It was established that in 1954 Dr. Buresch had re- ceived a formal complaint charging that his official Obergut- achter, “Dr. Sawade,” and the mass killer, Dr. Heyde, were one and the same. This complaint came from a leading member of the medical faculty at the University of Munich, Professor Otto Creutzfeldt. Instead of making an arrest, the “bureaucracy of murder” attempted to settle the case quietly. A “respected jurist” (not identified by name or posi- tion) was sent to Munich, where he obtained a “gentlemen’s 187 “Bureaucracy of Murder” agreement” under which Professor Creutzfeldt withdrew his complaint. A number of other officials were suspended in 1959, among them two judges from the Schleswig-Holstein Provincial Court and two top medical officials from the State Insurance Office. These honorable judges and administrators had made themselves a direct part of the farce of submitting the pension claims of victims of Hitler’s concentration camps and asy- lums for the medical opinion of an Obergutachter who in reality was the chief perpetrator in the destruction of 200,000 human lives. The Minister of Justice, Dr. Bernard Leverenz, admitted in the Landtag on December 1, 1959, that “many officials in the State of Schleswig-Holstein had known for years that Dr. Sawade was not the real name of the Obergutachter.” When the minister announced that six prosecutors had been ap- pointed to investigate the maze of complicity, a Social Demo- cratic deputy sarcastically questioned whether these men didn’t belong to the implicated group, and whether there was anyone left to investigate the investigators. The whole affair gained an extra touch of irony through the fact that “Dr. Sawade” had lectured before medical au- diences on the theme of “euthanasia.” He spoke in detail of the crimes committed by Dr. Heyde, of the mass gassings, and the various “experiments.” There were some among his listeners who were privy to the Heyde-Sawade secret; one was a physician who in earlier years had studied under Pro- fessor Heyde at the University of Wuerzburg. 24 The Heyde affair may be taken as a classic illustration of what is happening in present-day Germany. The Bonn cor- respondent of the New York Herald Tribune, Gaston Co- blentz, stated that the favoritism and protection extended by state officials and law-enforcement agencies to ex-Nazi criminals has “assumed the proportions of a national scan- 188 Moral Insanity dal.” 2S In addition to the Heyde affair, Mr. Coblentz refers to Dr. Herta Oberheuser and Professor Werner Catel, whose cases have been widely discussed in the German press. Dr. Oberheuser was sentenced by an American court to twenty years for medical experiments on Polish girls. Her sentence was soon commuted, she was readmitted to practice, and she received extensive help from the state and medical authori- ties in Schleswig-Holstein. Professor Catel served the Nazi regime as a “race-purifier,” like his colleague Dr. Heyde. Al- though he had given the “euthanasia” death to dozens of young children, he was acquitted by a Hamburg court, which reasoned that the Herr Professor “believed in the legality of his action.” Among the three judges who handed down the verdict were the Provincial Court director, Dr. Enno Budde, and Judge Halbauer, a member of Hitler’s legal ter- ror squad in Czechoslovakia. The Bonn bureau chief of the Rheinischer Merkur, Paul W. Wenger, interpreted the ac- tions of the court in such cases as “a denial of guilt in every realm of public life; it amounts to a general exoneration of the Third Reich, from the euthanasia killing and the racial laws down to the aggressive war policy of Der Fuehrer.” 2e As in the case of Drs. Heyde and Oberheuser, the acquitted Professor Catel enjoyed the benevolent backing of the high- est state authorities. In i960 the Minister for Culture and Education, Dr. Osterloh, appointed Professor Catel to the office of Director of the Children’s Clinic at the Kiel Univer- sity. Only when a few West German papers put a spotlight on this case was Professor Catel forced to resign. Many German doctors were involved with “euthanasia,” unethical experiments, and mass gassings. Only a few were sentenced by Allied and German courts, but usually their sentences were soon commuted and they were readmitted to practice. The release of the ill-famed Nazi physician Dr. Hans-Bodo Gorgasz caused much criticism. This doctor had personally supervised the gassing of at least 10,000 human 189 “Bureaucracy of Murder” beings, among them many women and children. It was estab- lished at the trial that this model of the medical profession had a habit of observing the slow agony of his victims through a little window of the gas chamber. When Dr. Gorgasz’ sentence was commuted, the Sueddeutsche Zeitung of Febru- ary 8, 1958, quoted the Justice Minister of Hesse as defend- ing his release with the following statement: “There are hundreds of doctors who did worse during the Nazi regime, but they were never brought to court.” The Nazi criminals are free because prosecutors, judges, and politicians have gone to great lengths to cover up crimes like those committed by Dr. Heyde and Professor Catel. Their actions were and still are mainly determined by a deep- rooted sense of camaraderie which they call Korpsgeist — one for all and all for one. Their common Nazi past has engendered a secret tie of brotherhood between the Globkes, Buddes, Rademachers, Kanters, Oberlaenders, and Heydes, who are united by a sin- gle ideology, mutual dependence, entanglement in a gigantic crime, the feeling of fellowship known to outlaws who have escaped the gallows, and the iron will to stay in power. 15 From the Rogues’ Gallery The general laxity of the courts in handling Nazi war crime cases has done much to undermine the confidence of world public opinion in a truly reformed Germany. Because of the previous close involvement of Nazi criminals and German law officials, it is quite logical, and almost natural, that prosecutors frequently hesitate to initiate indictments. This has been true in cases where witnesses and ample evi- dence have been available for years. The story of the Waffen SS General and high police official, Heinz Reinefarth, has been published in leading German newspapers. 1 General Reinefarth played a prominent role in the murderous suppression of the Warsaw uprising in August 1944. The insurgents had formed a poorly armed freedom corps of 40,000, who tried to drive the Germans out of the Polish capital. General Reinefarth’s SS moved in with tanks and defeated the resistance. The documented record shows that Reinefarth and his troops not only fought against the combatants, but they took their revenge on the civilian population. More than 200,000 people were killed within one month. All wounded Poles, 191 From the Rogues’ Gallery including doctors, nuns, and nurses were slain. Thousands of women and children were driven into churches, locked up, and burned alive. The most heinous acts were committed by the SS Dirlewanger Brigade, an outfit composed of notor- ious criminals who had been released from prison so that they could “regain their honor” on the war front. Some weeks later, Reinefarth reported with great pride in the Nazi paper Ostdeutscher Beobachter (October 5, 1944) that his SS force had liquidated “more than a quarter of a million Poles during the Warsaw fighting.” For his heroic deeds, Reinefarth was decorated by Hitler. When the occupation authorities ordered democratic elec- tions after the war, the people of the fashionable North Sea resort of Westerland voted the former SS General and war criminal into office as burghermaster. In 1958, Reinefarth ran on the Refugee party ticket as a candidate for the Schleswig-Holstein State Parliament. When the press cited Reinefarth’s record as a major war criminal, the Senior Prosecutor of Flensburg, Erich Biermann (who had Herr Dr. Heyde-Sawade under his protective wing at that time), closed the case and refused to issue an indictment. A few days later Reinefarth was elected as deputy to the Landtag and accepted as an honorable colleague. The next case concerns the Refugee Minister, Dr. Theo- dor Oberlaender, who joined the Adenauer cabinet in 1953. As briefly mentioned in a previous chapter, Minister Ober- laender is accused of having been involved in the so-called “Lemberg massacre,” in which several thousand Poles and more than 5,000 Jews were slaughtered Dr. Oberlaender does not deny a] that he was the commanding officer of a special SS task force, the Nightingale Battalion, made up of nationalist Ukrainians; and b] that this battalion was the first German unit to move into the Polish city of Lemberg on June 29, 1941, where it remained for six or seven days. Dr. Oberlaender does deny that his troops committed any 192 Moral Insanity atrocities in Lemberg. He has said that during his stay in that city “not a shot was fired.” This is not even accepted by his CDU party colleagues; they believe only that Ober- laender himself took no part in the massacre. Although formal complaints were launched against the Refugee Min- ister, and although witnesses in West Germany, in Israel, and in Poland were willing to testify, the German authorities delayed as long as possible before considering official court action. 2 In the Bundestag debate of December 10, 1959, a government spokesman declared: “Dr. Oberlaender has the full confidence of the Adenauer cabinet.” There was no denying that Dr. Oberlaender had written articles advocating the extermination of Jews and Poles in the East, that he was closely affiliated with the racial war- fare section of Hitler’s SS, and that he was the appointed leader of the fanatical Nazi unit, German Alliance in the East. A wide-spread feeling prevailed in Dr. Adenauer’s own party that Hitler’s former expert on the East had become a political liability. The pro-Adenauer paper Rheinischer Merkur stated that Dr. Oberlaender “as a racial expert has an intellectual co-responsibility for the anti-Polish and anti- Jewish outbursts in Lemberg.” 3 The Christian Democratic paper Der Tag (February 9, i960) called for Oberlaender’s resignation and described him as “a drag on the German reputation.” The Social Democratic opposition and the independent press demanded Dr. Oberlaender’s ouster. Der Spiegel stated editorially: “This man should never have been ap- pointed a minister.” Pointing to Oberlaender’s long rec- ord as a Nazi propagandist and Lebensraum expert, the editorial asked sarcastically: “Is a man sufficiently qualified to become a cabinet member in Germany merely by having it established that he doesn’t have a record as a murderer of innocent civilians?” 4 193 From the Rogues’ Gallery Nevertheless, in the summer of 1959, Dr. Oberlaender was given the honor of representing the Chancellor at the moral rearmament conference in Caux. 5 It was only the combined pressure of Social Democrats and a large faction of Christian Democratic deputies that finally forced Dr. Oberlaender to resign in May i960.* Two other unprosecuted cases among many should be briefly mentioned to show the scope of the crimes committed. The first concerns the SS General Erich von dem Bach- Zelewski, who was in charge of a special task force for the liquidation of Jews in the East. As one of Hitler’s top police officers, he is held responsible for the killing of hundreds of Jews long before the outbreak of the war. According to a DPA report in the New York Staats Zeitung of April 14, 1952, it was Bach-Zelewski who organized a pogrom against the Jews all over Silesia on the “Crystal Night” of 1938. He re- ported to Hitler that his storm troopers had set fire to eighty synagogues and that he had made Silesia judenrein. During 1941, Bach-Zelewski’s SS brigade shot more than 100,000 Jews and Poles in the East. Although the Bonn authorities had full knowledge of Bach-Zelewski’s record, they left the SS General unmolested until December 1958. At that time he was arrested for being implicated in a “private” murder case involving another SS officer. He has since been sentenced to four and a half years in prison. Another example concerns the SS officer Hermann Krumey who played a decisive role in the murder of 460,000 Hun- garian Jews. As an aide to Adolf Eichmann, Krumey, in the spring and summer of 1944, rounded up all Jews in Hungary and shipped them to Auschwitz. According to Die Welt of * In September i960 it was reported that a prosecutor in Bonn refused to open the case against Dr. Oberlaender “for lack of evidence that he had participated or was responsible for the mass killing” (Deutsche Zeitung, September 28, i960). 194 Moral Insanity August 16, 1958, Krumey today owns a drugstore in Korbach, Hesse, where he has been active in politics for the Nazi- infested Refugee party. The former SS officer was temporarily arrested in 1957, but was soon released. He was arrested again in connection with the Eichmann case in May i960. Many new facts about unsolved war crimes have come to light during the last two years. The extent of unpunished Nazi crime was revealed in three major court cases which were not tried until 1958. One was a trial against ten SS and police officials, held before a court in Ulm, Wuerttem- berg. After months of testimony the court found that the accused had slaughtered 5,502 Jews in the Tilsit district. This was part of a larger action in which 132,000 Jews were liquidated in order to provide a Lithuanian frontier region for German settlement. Evidence of indescribable atrocities was produced. Thanks to bureaucratic thoroughness, the court was able to use the meticulously kept lists in which the police had recorded their daily number of victims. 6 The ten Nazis were given sentences from three to fifteen years.* The second court case revealed the story of the SS ser- geant Martin Sommer, the “butcher of Buchenwald.” As master of the punishment cell block, Sommer whipped hundreds of prisoners to death, killed many with hypodermic injections of air, hung others from trees by their wrists, and amused himself by transforming priests into “snowmen” by dousing them with buckets of water and letting them freeze to death. Sommer was sentenced to life imprisonment, the maximum penalty under German law, and one rarely im- posed. Late in 1958, two SS guards were put on trial for tortures and mass killings at the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. • In his summation the defense lawyer, Herr Aschenauer, declared: “The defendants only carried out those orders which the bureaucrats had issued at their desks” (Die Welt, August 12, 1958). 195 From the Rogues’ Gallery Gustav Sorge, the “Iron Gustav,” and Wilhelm Schubert (“Pistol” Schubert), were accused by 150 witnesses of having savagely kicked and beaten inmates to death and of having immersed the heads of Jews in latrines until they suffocated. The indictment charged that both sadists were responsible for the death of 11,000 prisoners. These men too were sen- tenced to life imprisonment. In view of the previous re- luctance on the part of most authorities to call Nazi war criminals to account, the prosecution of these trials was an amazing step forward. The court cases of 1958 dramatized the fact that the high officials who gave orders for the mass executions and the Nazi judges who legalized terror were still living comfortably as well-paid government officials, judges, burghermasters, and police officials. “The murderers are in our midst,” stated the Frankfurter Rundschau in an editorial of December 13, 1957. “They are going around well dressed, and in the eve- nings they are to be found as jolly citizens crowding our Bierstuben.” As an aftermath of the Sommer-Sorge-Schubert trials, the Justice Ministers of the Laender created, in December 1958, a Central Clearing House for Investigation of Nazi Crimes, located in Ludwigsburg. The German press reported that this center was investigating four hundred major Nazi war crimes. The head of the center, Senior Prosecutor Dr. Erwin Schuele, has done excellent work in ferreting out major war criminals. Some observers doubt, however, that the work of the center will ever materialize into actual court proceedings, because it would mean that many leading of- ficials would have to stand trial. It is argued that under no circumstances would Dr. Globke and the men around him run such a risk. Strong pressure is being exerted in the Bundestag, as well as in the press, to make a clean sweep and close the whole 196 Moral Insanity chapter of the “undigested past.” What is suggested is a general amnesty for all crimes committed under the Nazi regime. 7 Such an act would bring the “bureaucracy of mur- der” out of the danger zone. 16 The Heroes Come Home . . . During the early fifties, German towns and villages com- peted in spectacular receptions for their homecoming “heroes” — the convicted Nazi war criminals who, under mounting German pressure, had been released from Allied custody. The Nazi Generals and SS officers were greeted with flowers, brass bands, ringing church bells, and banners strung across the streets. Huge crowds jubilantly joined in singing “Deutschland, Deutschland, ueber Alles.” Many of the returning war criminals were given expen- sive gifts, and some were even rewarded with new cars — a Volkswagen, Porsche, or Mercedes-Benz. The noisy wel- comes of these “late homecomers” were much more than mere expressions of human sympathy. These manifestations amounted to an open show of solidarity between the German people and those who once represented the elite of the Nazi regime.* Dr. Adenauer expressed the sentiment of the over- * In 1952 the Bundestag voted unanimously to introduce a “Treue-Woche” — Loyalty Week— in order to assure the last 800 war criminals, those most deeply implicated, that they were “closely bound to and deeply revered by their com- patriots.” The Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung of October 16, 1952, hailed this step as a “united act of the entire German nation.” 198 Moral Insanity whelming majority of his countrymen when he made his demonstrative visit to the prison in Werl, where he shook hands with Nazi war criminals who had once been con- demned to death for their crimes. And when Field Marshal Albert Kesselring, who destroyed Warsaw, Rotterdam, and Coventry, was released from jail, he was honored by the Chancellor with a two-hour audience. 1 Upon his release from the Spandau prison, Baron Kon- stantin von Neurath was warmly congratulated in long tele- grams from President Heuss and Chancellor Adenauer for the final ending of his “martyrdom.” The German press, with few exceptions, published glowing articles about him, and the people from his home district gave von Neurath a triumphant welcome. 2 A cheering crowd of thousands lined the streets for miles. The German people and their leaders were welcoming a man who had worked closely with Hitler in the preparation of aggressive war and who, as “protector” of Bohemia and Moravia, was the architect of an elaborate plan to enslave or kill half of the Czechs and Germanize the other half. The Baron had “reached the lowest rung on the ladder which led him from international diplomacy to in- ternational brigandage.” 3 The release of Baron von Neurath from the international prison in Spandau had long been suggested by Adenauer and was announced by the Soviets in November 1954. The Soviet step came as a complete surprise to the Western pow- ers; it was the result of lengthy, secret negotiations that had been carried on between Bonn and Moscow since 1952. These secret talks were climaxed in 1955 by Dr. Adenauer’s visit to Moscow.* The Chancellor’s admitted aim was to * The Christian Science Monitor reported on April 17, 1954, that “secret talks between Bonn and Moscow have been going on for about three years,” and that “in August 1952 a group of Bonn diplomats and industrialists had a secret meeting with high Moscow officials in a hotel in Copenhagen.” 199 The Heroes Come Home work for the release of the Nazi war criminals, whom the Soviets had sentenced to long prison terms for their crimes against millions of Slavs. In 1955 the Soviets no longer held any regular prisoners of war, but had in their custody 9,626 convicted German nationals from Field Marshals down to SS concentration camp guards. There have been conflicting reports about Adenauer’s negotiations in Moscow. The officially inspired German ex- planation was that the Chancellor tried his utmost to per- suade the Kremlin leaders to release all German prisoners still in their hands. A pact was made under which the Soviets agreed to set free the convicted war criminals, while Bonn promised to open diplomatic relations with Moscow. By way of an amnesty the Russians unconditionally released the great majority of the prisoners, except for 749 men whose crimes had been of such a nature that the Russians refused to take the responsibility for letting them go free. According to some reports the Soviets had asked Adenauer to keep these 749 war criminals in detention until the German authorities had made a careful check of the complete court records, which Moscow would hand over to the Germans. When the returning war criminals were received at the German border, the Bonn authorities outdid themselves. Newspaper articles spoke of the “greatest event in German postwar history.” * Thousands of cars converged on the re- ception camp in Friedland, where the celebration was held, and as usual the crowds sang “Deutschland ueber Alles.” Welcome speeches were given by members of the Adenauer cabinet and other government officials. One transport of several hundred war criminals was addressed by Refugee Minister Oberlaender. In this particular gathering of SS men were the “euthanasia” killer Professor Clauberg of Auschwitz and the prison camp sadists Gustav Sorge and “Pistol” Schu- bert. They were greeted by Dr. Oberlaender with the follow- 200 Moral Insanity ing welcome: “Every one of you had to suffer for all of us. But now I invite you to serve as the yeast in our comrade- ship.” The transports from Russia were chiefly made up of Hitler’s Waffen SS men, members of the Gestapo, the Sicher- heitsdienst, and the Feldgendarmerie — a military police unit entrusted with mass extermination. The remainder were Nazi party officials and concentration camp guards. Most of them had been sentenced to twenty years of hard labor. When newspapermen asked for names and the wartime units, not many of the prisoners volunteered information. One of the returnees, shrugging his shoulders, said: “I don’t think I care to discuss that. We all did a lot of killing. That’s war.” 5 As stated earlier, not one of the war criminals remained in detention.* Each of the returnees received 6,000 marks and all became eligible for interest-free loans and pensions. The press reported that flowers and gifts arrived in Friedland by the carload. In praising the heroes who had “suffered for Germany,” the newspapers revealed the identities of some of the returning prisoners. In that way the survivors of the concentration camps noted the names of such men as Clau- berg, Sorge, and Schubert. Yet it was many months before the German authorities rearrested some of these criminals and brought them to court. During the Sorge-Schubert trial it was revealed that a smooth Nazi underground had operated in the prisoner re- ception camp at Friedland. All returning war criminals had been given strict instructions not to admit to any former crimes and, in case of an investigation, to take counsel from * An American correspondent reported from Bonn that the Soviets had asked for further imprisonment of those who had committed atrocities. This the Germans would not agree to. “Public opinion in this country would be vio- lently opposed to any measures against the returned men. It would be almost out of the question politically to begin court proceedings against any sizable number of them” (New York Herald Tribune, January 15, 1956). 201 The Heroes Come Home . . . a list of selected lawyers who would defend them free of charge.* Effective schemes had been developed by the Nazis and militarists to obstruct law and justice. After they had reached success, after thousands of Nazi criminals had fled to Spain and Egypt, after other thousands had been freed from Allied prisons, there appeared accounts in some Rightist newspa- pers, congratulating a group of Nazi ringleaders on accomp- lishing an almost impossible task. The Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung (June 1958) published a full-page account of a far- reaching secret organization which had been founded in 1 948 in violation of Allied rules. The purpose of the organization was to free the war criminals in defiance of law and justice. The author of this remarkable report, Major General Hans Korte, describes how a kind of General Staff, or “steering committee,” was set up in Munich to direct all the anti-war- guilt propaganda in occupied Germany and throughout the entire world. A group of Nazi jurists who had served in Nuremberg as counsels for major war criminals formed the nucleus of the directing body. Prominent among them were Dr. Rudolf Aschenauer of Munich and Ernst Achenbach (of the Naumann circle) of Essen, the latter having excellent financial connections on Rhine and Ruhr. In order to conceal certain activities from the occupying powers, a number of fronts or subagencies were created to serve as special task forces. To furnish the press with propa- ganda on the war-guilt question, an “independent” monthly newsletter, Die Andere Seite (The Other Side), was issued, in which material about the “so-called war criminals” was • Frankfurter Rundschau, January 12, 1959. Later it was discovered that the official in charge of records and identifications in the Friedland camp was a former SS officer, Garwinski, who, up to i960, had lived under the false iden- tity of “von Rosen.” According to Die Welt (January 2, i960), his case is under investigation. 202 Moral Insanity cleverly introduced among other news items. This distorted and slanted news was reprinted not only in the provincial press but in such leading papers as the Frankfurter Allge- meine, the Stuttgarter Nachrichten, and Die Welt. In ad- dition, a circular letter was mailed periodically to organiza- tions and influential personalities in Germany and abroad in order to gain their support for the release of all war crim- inals. To camouflage these activities well-known German church representatives were brought into the organization, so that both major denominations joined the common defense for the convicted Nazi war criminals. A Committee for Chris- tian Aid to War Prisoners was formed in 1948; among its sponsors there were prominent Roman Catholics — Cardi- nal Josef Frings of Cologne and Bishop Johann Neuhaeussler of Munich — and leading Protestants — Bishop Theophil Wurm of Stuttgart and Bishop Meiser of Munich. These church leaders had already issued several strong protests against the Allied war crime trials. Now Cardinal Frings and others demanded a halt to the hanging of convicted Nazis. In May 1946, Washington had ordered a stop to all executions in Landsberg. But there were still 230 Nazis sen- tenced to death for having committed mass murder. In 1948, Cardinal Frings again asked President Truman for clemency for the last two dozen convicted Nazis, whose executions were pending. 8 Under the sponsorship and prestige of Cardinal Frings and Bishop Wurm, a wide network of organizations co- ordinated their efforts to save the convicted criminals from the gallows. The church leaders were supported by two powerful religious organizations — the Roman Catholic Ca- ritas and the Protestant Evangelisches Hilfswerk. The latter had given jobs and shelter to dozens of Nazi officials, es- pecially former Ribbentrop diplomats. This group issued a 203 The Heroes Come Home weekly newspaper, Christ und Welt, in which the campaign for the war criminals had top priority. Cardinal Frings and Bishop Wurm headed another or- ganization under the slightly confusing name, Committee for Justice and Trade, which served as a rallying point for the former Nazi elite. According to General Korte’s account, this group consisted of ex-officers, high government officials, jurists, educators, industrialists, and church leaders. Its pur- pose was to raise money to assist all war criminals financially and legally and to create a climate of public opinion con- ducive to the release of all convicted Nazis. The organization had a mysterious bank account (“Konto Gustav”), to which more than sixty unnamed industrial and financial tycoons regularly contributed large sums. According to the report in the Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung, this group was closely af- filiated with a propaganda center in Switzerland, the Centro Europa, which carried on a world-wide campaign to bring quick freedom to Hitler’s professional mass murderers. Two other organizations were working toward the same goal, but they extended their activities into the exclusive circles of high society and among aristocrats in Germany and abroad. One was the Stille Hilfe (Silent Help), headed by Princess Helene von Isenburg, and the other was called Helfende Haende (Helping Hands), and was directed by Princess Stephany zu Schaumberg-Lippe. The common characteristic of all these groups was their dual activity; first, they solicited financial aid for Nazi pris- oners, and second, they stirred propaganda against the “war- guilt lie,” climaxing it with a demand for speedy release of all war criminals. Working in cooperation with the Chris- tian Aid center in Munich were such notorious Nazi organi- zations as the SS HIAG, the Society of Late Homecomers, the Stahlhelm, the Federation of German Soldiers, and the various expellee groups. Among the organizations abroad we 204 Moral Insanity find the Kameraden Hilfe in Spain, headed by the SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny, a similar group working in Latin America under the leadership of the Luftwaffe ace Colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel,* and various German “relief” and propa- ganda organizations in the United States under the political guidance of the Steuben Society. In his article General Korte gave due credit to the German press which, “despite Allied censorship, courageously pub- lished demands for a clean sweep of the whole war criminal problem and, by doing so, made its readers aware that Ger- man soldiers were still in Allied custody, thus stirring the conscience of the nation.” Among the papers praised for their courage in protesting the occupation law were the Frankfurter Allgemeine and such neo-Nazi periodicals as Der Heimkehrer, the Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung, the Notweg, and Der Stahlhelm. Also of great propaganda value were “a number of foreign newspapers and periodicals” which Gen- eral Korte did not identify. From the Christian Aid headquarters in Munich a stream of often repeated propaganda was channeled through all media of communication. The war crime trials were branded as a “victor’s justice of revenge”; all prisoners were declared “innocent”; and the worst Nazi mass murderers were glori- fied as “martyrs.” f Long before Dr. Adenauer had been made Chancellor, * Skorzeny and Rudel, assisted by the SS Colonel Eugen Dollmann, ran a smooth underground for the escape of war criminals to Spain, Egypt, and Argentina. According to the New York Times of March si, 1953, the Rudel group had even hatched a plan to raid the prison at Werl and free all war criminals in British custody. Rudel was discouraged by the Bundestag member Dr. Erich Mende, who knew that the Western powers had promised gradual release of all prisoners. Rudel’s act would only have spoiled Germany’s chances for regaining her sovereignty. fAn editorial in the Frankfurter Allgemeine of October 26, 1954, used the German term Rachejustiz — justice of vengeance — and the weekly Christ und Welt of May 12, 1955, spoke of the Malm^dy killers as “unfortunates who were thrown into prison although they were all innocent.” 205 The Heroes Come Home . . . the anti-war-guilt campaign and free-the-war-criminals prop- aganda had reached a high pitch. It was psychological war- fare in grand style and the impact on the Pentagon was quite noticeable. The Generals in Washington knew that they could not have the desired German army of 500,000 men without letting all war criminals free. It was bargaining in which the Germans clearly had the Pentagon brass at a disadvantage. During 1948 and 1949 the sentences of hun- dreds of war criminals were commuted by General Clay. When Use Koch, known as the “bitch of Buchenwald,” was released after serving only three years of a life sentence, protests came in from all over the world. After Dr. Adenauer became Chancellor in 1949, the Ger- man demand for freeing the war criminals became an un- disguised policy of political blackmail. Many politicians stated the case quite bluntly in the press and in the Bunde- stag: They would not ratify the treaties (creating a common Western defense) without a “clean sweep on the war crimes question.” Although the politicians were well aware that Washington had tacitly yielded to German demands, they relentlessly increased the pressure. The State Department had to grapple with the delicate problem of how the Western Allies could gradually release a few thousand war criminals without arousing indignant protests in their own countries.* Yet the German pressure groups approached the newly ap- pointed High Commissioner, John McCloy, with strong de- mands. As a result McCloy had to set free those Nazis whom he himself had termed “the worst war criminals still alive in Landsberg.” 7 More than two hundred of these, orig- inally sentenced to death by U.S. courts, had had their • According to official figures, in April 1950 there were still 3,600 convicted war criminals in Allied custody in Germany. In additon, there were more than 2,000 Nazi war criminals held in other non-Communist countries. In August 1952 there were only 800 war criminals left in U.S. and British custody in Germany. 206 Moral Insanity sentences commuted to life imprisonment or even shorter terms. At the end of 1950 there still remained more than two dozen men in the death cells waiting for a decision on their fate. They consisted chiefly of two groups: members of the SS unit which had committed the notorious Malmedy mas- sacre, and commanding officers of the various SS special task forces who had carried out the brutal mass executions of several hundred thousand Jews, Gypsies, and Poles in the occupied East during 1940 and 1941. Some of these men were responsible for the deaths of 60,000 and 100,000 hu- man beings. These “red-jackets” became the focus of a cam- paign for mercy which mobilized the whole German nation. In January 1951 the Christian Aid committee in Munich, with its leading churchmen and politicians, and dozens of organizations again flooded High Commissioner McCloy with telegrams and petitions demanding that he immediately commute the sentences of the few “red-jackets” still in the Landsberg prison. At the same time, Mr. McCloy ‘s “mail became heavy with threats against his life and that of his family.” What he had to face, according to his own words, was “a well-organized conspiracy to intimidate me.” 8 In brief, the Germans had started one of their famous blitzkriegs (this time only psychological) in order to demonstrate their close solidarity with the convicted Nazi war criminals and to rescue all of them from the gallows. The following facts are taken from Arthur Krock’s illum- inating account in the New York Times. On January 9, 1951, the U. S. High Commissioner received a delegation of Ger- man parliamentary leaders in his office. The group urgently requested that he “commute the death sentences of those in the Landsberg prison convicted as war criminals.” The dele- gation was made up of Dr. Hermann Ehlers, president of the Bundestag, Heinrich Hoefler, Carlos Schmid, Jakob Altmaier, Hans von Merkatz, and Franz Josef Strauss, each 207 The Heroes Come Home representing one of the various political parties. The Bund- estag leaders told Mr. McCloy that West Germany had abolished the death sentence and “they wanted no more blood spilling in Germany.” The Social Democratic leader, Carlos Schmid, said: “We want to create a new moral climate in Germany.” And he added: “If the United States would carry out the executions, it would shock the German con- science.” Franz Josef Strauss argued that “the long delay in carrying out the death sentences called for a commutation.” Should the prisoners be executed, “the blow to German morale would be great and the effect on German-American relations would be devastating.” According to the Times report, Mr. McCloy “expressed surprise and distress that none of the pleaders had men- tioned the horror and enormity of the crimes of Nazi au- thorities which evoked, among others, the trials of those for whom . . . blanket clemency was sought.” And he called at- tention to the fact that “there are no prisoners in the world whose cases have received the same painstaking review.” The High Commissioner remarked that it was “a bad thing for the German soul to put these things under the carpet.” He pointed out that the “bishops, lawyers and the man on the street . . . don’t know, and they don’t want to know, what happened to the other people.” He concluded: “If our re- lations depend on these individual cases, then our friend- ship hangs on a thin thread indeed.” Even stronger personal efforts were made by Princess Helene von Isenburg, who had earned the honor of being named the “mother of the red-jackets.” The Princess sent urgent telegrams to President Truman, Secretary of State Acheson, and Mrs. McCloy, with a plea for commutation. A few days later the Princess was invited to dinner by the McCloys. According to a long report in Der Spiegel, the Princess pleaded for two and a half hours that the High Com- missioner spare the twenty-eight “red-jackets” who “had suf- 208 Moral Insanity fered horrible torment in fear of death and are almost in- sane.” Just how deeply the Princess impressed the High Commissioner has not been reported, but Mrs. McCloy sent her a check to aid the prisoners and wrote: “I too feel that we have to bridge our mutual problems, and I assure you, it was for Mr. McCloy and myself not only an honor but also a great joy to have had you as our guest.” 9 Needless to say, the U. S. High Commissioner was walking a tightrope. There was no one with a friendlier attitude toward the beaten enemy; Der Spiegel once described McCloy as having an “almost pathological love for Germany.” His attitude was exploited by the Germans to the utmost. The newspapers stated the case very bluntly: either the war crim- inals would be freed or there would be no German army. Delegation after delegation filed through John McCloy’s of- fice — high church dignitaries, women’s organizations, pro- fessors, politicians, an ad hoc committee, “Rescue the Red- Jackets,” the representatives of the ex-soldier organizations, and many others. Through the mail came tens of thousands of pleading letters and telegrams from Germans and sym- pathizers all over the world. There were a few telegrams of protest from veterans and Jewish organizations in America, which made the decision for Commissioner McCloy no easier. “For days,” reports the former U. S. diplomat Charles W. Thayer, Mr. McCloy “locked himself in his home, reading and rereading the testimony. His nerves got tauter and tauter, his temper shorter and shorter.” On the evening be- fore the High Commissioner had to make his fateful decision, Dr. Adenauer’s military advisers, Generals Adolf Heusinger and Hans Speidel, called Mr. Thayer, a U.S. liaison diplomat, to an urgent conference. They asked him to convey one last plea to Mr. McCloy before it was too late. “If the prisoners at Landsberg were hanged, Germany as an armed ally against the East was an illusion.” 10 The campaign was largely successful. By the end of Janu- 209 The Heroes Come Home . . . ary 1951, Commissioner McCloy and U. S. General Thomas Handy had commuted the sentences of twenty-one of the twenty-eight “red-jackets” and had left the fate of the other seven undecided.* The American lawyer for the remaining seven made an appeal for a habeas corpus before the Su- preme Court in Washington. In addition, the Germans rushed 610,280 signatures by air mail to the White House in a plea for mercy. When the last appeal was rejected, the seven “red- jackets” were hung on the night of June 6-7, 1951, in the courtyard of the Landsberg prison. The balance sheet of Germany’s Christian Aid crusade is quite impressive. Hundreds of Nazi mass murderers, once condemned to death, had their sentences commuted to life imprisonment, and soon were released from Allied prisons. Toward the end of 1952, a mixed review board of three Germans, one American, one Britisher, and one Frenchman was burdened with the task of gradually and quietly releasing the last “poor devils” who once had lived in the death rows of Landsberg and Werl. Within a few years, all but a few German war criminals in the Western countries had been set free. The Soviet Union followed suit by releasing her 9,626 war criminals late in 1955. Thus the heroes came home. Ten years after the most horrible crime in recorded history, the sun of mercy was shining down on all. Today, up to 20,000 unreconstructed criminals are free to go about their business in Germany. A few thousands more are scattered through Spain, Egypt, and Argentina. Tens of thousands more still live under false papers, and other untold thousands have not even been touched by an investigation. There has never been a clearer and more convincing identification between a nation and its “heroes.” * The seven “red-jackets” were the SS special task officers Oswald Pohl, Otto Ohlendorf, Erich Naumann, Werner Braune, Paul Blobel, and the Dachau SS guards Georg Schallermair and Hans-Theodor Schmidt. 17 Villains and Victims On March 14, i960, a historic encounter took place at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York. In the living room of the presidential suite, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer met the Prime Minister of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, for the first time. During a two-hour private talk the two leaders dis- cussed the implications of the recent world-wide epidemic of anti-Semitic outbursts and the future of German-Israeli relations. At the close of the meeting, the two statesmen were photographed shaking hands, and the press officers read their statements into the microphones. Dr. Adenauer said: “I am deeply moved by my meeting today with Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion. . . . The German people draw deep satisfaction from the fact that, through their restitution to victims of Nazism, a contribution was made toward the process of rehabilitation in Israel.” Prime Minister Ben-Gurion stated: “I was glad to meet Chancellor Adenauer. I belong to a people which cannot forget its past. … I said last summer that ‘the Germany of today is not the Germany of yesterday.’ After having met the Chancellor, I am sure that judgment is correct.” There is little doubt that the actions of both leaders 211 Villains and Victims were motivated by political expediency as well as by mutual good will and respect. Their meeting was possible only after they had overcome strong political opposition in their respective countries. Dr. Adenauer had risked his personal prestige and the stability of his coalition government when he told the Bund- estag on September 27, 1951, that the German people must be “conscious of the immeasurable suffering brought upon the Jews in Germany and the occupied territories during the National Socialist period.” The Chancellor stated plainly that “unspeakable crimes were committed in the name of the German people which call for moral and material resti- tution.” According to the Chancellor’s biographer, Paul Weymar, the suggestion of paying reparations to Israel was met with “serious disapproval” by members of Dr. Adenauer’s own party and by the politicians making up his government coali- tion. There were many who had not the slightest recognition of the need for reparations, not the faintest feeling that the past had to be redressed, if only in the form of financial indemnity.* The Finance Minister, Dr. Schaeffer, was op- posed to making reparation payments to Israel. The Ade- nauer press and German commerce and manufacturing circles feared that compensation to Israel would alienate Germany’s friends in the Middle East. “The Arabs had always been pro-German, they had been the only asset German diplomacy had possessed after the collapse, and now this traditional friendship was being jeopardized.” 1 * On March 18, 1951, Israel transmitted a note to the three Western powers and to the Soviet Union, calling attention to the fact that the unending stream of hundreds of thousands of homeless and destitute Jewish refugees from Germany and German-occupied Europe which it had been compelled to re- ceive had placed an unbearable burden on the young Jewish state. The Nazis had confiscated Jewish assets in the amount of eight billion dollars in Germany alone. It was expected that Germany would make amends to alleviate the bur- den placed upon Israel. 212 Moral Insanity Apart from the moral principle involved, there were important political and psychological considerations which compelled Dr. Adenauer to reach an agreement on the Jew- ish claims.* Despite boycott threats from the Arabs, Dr. Adenauer pressed for a settlement which called for payments in goods and materials to Israel amounting to $715,000,000, extending over a period of twelve years. When the bill reached the Bundestag for final approval on March 18, 1953, the Chancellor found himself deserted by a large faction of his own party and by most members of his coalition. Out of 402 members of Parliament, only 238 voted in favor of the bill; the remaining abstained or voted against it. Without the support of 125 Social Democrats, Dr. Adenauer would have lost the day. Of his own 143 party members, only 83 voted for the bill. More than 50 percent of the Adenauer coalition members refused to support the settlement with Israel. Among those who abstained were cabinet members Dr. Schaeffer and Dr. Seebohm. Some critics declared that the Adenauer coalition had exposed itself in a “shameful act of moral depravity” by disregarding the bare essentials of justice and human decency.” 2 Thus the Chancellor’s statement that the Germans “draw deep satisfaction [from making] restitution to victims of Nazism” has little validity. There is almost nothing more unpopular in Germany than the reparations payments to Israel and the indemnification to the victims of Nazism. Nevertheless Dr. Adenauer has insisted that the Israeli agree- ment be carried out to the letter, a stand for which he has earned ample praise in Israel. From the beginning the * It is often forgotten that the Israeli agreement was closely tied to the Lon- don Debt Conference in 1952, at which the U.S. canceled more than two bil- lion dollars of German postwar debts in order to enable the Bonn govern- ment to make indemnification to the Jewish state. The U.S. was pushing for a settlement. The Minister of Justice, Dr. Dehler, declared: “The settlement with Israel is a business for which the Americans will compensate us quite handsomely” (Frankfurter Rundschau, February 24, 1953). 213 Villains and Victims Chancellor saw certain advantages in a settlement with Israel. Not only was the United States willing to cancel two billion dollars of Germany’s postwar debts, but such a gesture on Germany’s part would enable her to recover, to some extent, the trust and prestige she had lost so completely during the Nazi regime. In sharp contrast to the execution of the Israeli agreement is the implementation of the Indemnity Law, which was de- signed to compensate individual victims of Nazi persecution. Such compensation has often been systematically hampered and delayed by German authorities.* Hundreds of com- plaints from lawyers and Nazi victims have been published. Although the Bonn Republic has pampered the Nazis and war criminals with high pensions, interest-free loans and other privileges, more than a million survivors (50 percent) of Nazi persecution — inmates of concentration camps, those whose property was stolen, whose livelihood was destroyed — have not received a penny up to the moment of this writing. (The multibillion-dollar aid from the United States was used primarily for the benefit of those who had brought untold misery to Europe and the world.f) Tens of thousands, scattered all over the world, have died in the meantime. Some lost all hope and committed suicide. Ger- man newspapers reported the story of a seventy-three-year-old Jew who had come to Germany from Israel to inquire about • Outrageous cases of outright sabotage by bureaucrats and courts have been reported in the Bundestag. The American Jewish Congress charged “actual malice,” and pointed out that a general antagonistic attitude “emboldened indemnification officials and certain courts to vent their bias.” There is “a consistent decline in the percentage of cases decided favorably to claimants. From a high of 71.7% of claims favorably decided … in 1957, the percentage steadily and sharply dropped to a figure of just slightly more than half, 51.0% as of June 30, 1959” (The German Dilemma, issued by the American Jewish Congress, New York, 1959). ■(•The U. S. News reported on December 14, 1951, that the United States had poured nine billion dollars into Germany and that “the Germans took it for granted.” 214 Moral Insanity the progress of his restitution case. After a while, having been sent from one bureaucrat to the other, the old man com- mitted suicide in despair. 3 In a recent review about the shortcomings of the indem- nification procedure, the American Jewish Congress stated that the slow implementation has caused “bitter complaints and shattering disappointments among those who have suf- fered persecution.” The claims for indemnification “are lost in the snarled administrative machinery.” The statistical record demonstrates the gravity of the situation: “Only 36.8 percent of all indemnification claims were settled by the middle of 1959 . . . out of the total of 2,888,884 claims submitted, only 1,081,463 had been processed. . . . out of the 2.6 billion marks appropriated in 1958/1959 for in- demnification payments, about 1 billion were not paid out. These figures translated into human suffering mean this: Since the average value of an indemnification claim is be- low 10,000 marks, over 100,000 claimants have had to defer their hopes even though the necessary funds were available.” * There have been reports of a few cases in which substantial sums were paid to people who either had close connections with officials in Bonn or who had been helpful in promoting favorable propaganda. In the majority of cases, however, the German authorities have built up barriers of difficulties by demanding clear proof and detailed documentary evidence of any loss or damage suffered twenty-five years ago. In count- less cases indemnification is often refused on the basis of legal technicalities. A typical case of sabotage was reported in the Sueddeutsche Zeitung of February 23, i960. A victim started legal proceedings in 1949, and twice had to go as far as the highest court of appeals. In October 1959, ten years after the start of this legal marathon, the highest court ren- dered a favorable verdict. This time the execution of the verdict was halted by an interdict on the part of the provin- cial governor. The victim is now over eighty years of age. 215 Villains and Victims The Christian Science Monitor of February 1, i960, re- ported that even by 1963 the individual claims of Nazi victims might not be settled. The New York Times of Novem- ber 21, 1954, reported that “Bavarian officials are systemati- cally withholding payments to victims of Nazi persecution but rewarding former Nazi officials and their heirs with jobs and pensions.” The Times cited the case of a seventy- six-year-old widow of a man killed in the ghetto of Riga, whose claim for indemnification was rejected “because she could not produce witnesses who had seen her husband murdered. . . . The officials have taken this line despite documentary evidence that all 27,000 inmates of the Riga ghetto had been liquidated by the Nazis.” In 1952 the widow of the executed General Sack was re- fused a pension because her husband had been a member of the resistance. The German judges obviously still regarded resistance to Hitler as treason. In contrast, the widows of Himmler, Goering, and the SS butcher Reinhart Heydrich all receive handsome pensions. In another case, reported by the Aujbau, a widow had made derogatory remarks about the Nazi regime during the war. A Nazi called her a “Jewish-indoctrinated whore” and brought her to court. Luckily she was given only a three- year prison sentence. After 1945 the widow sued this Nazi for damages. The case went to the highest court, which ruled that the widow had undermined German morale and that the denouncer was justified in bringing her before the People’s Court. The result was that the widow received neither dam- ages nor a pension. The denouncer, however, receives a monthly state pension of 960 marks. In addition, as a board member of an industrial firm, he earns a monthly salary of 4,000 marks. Thus the denouncer has a 60,000-mark income a year, whereas the woman gets a welfare dole of 120 marks ($30) a month. 5 A clerk in a Catholic welfare organization, Frau Piendl, 216 Moral Insanity had been imprisoned for several years by the Gestapo. The charge was that she had helped Jews to escape from the country. After considering her request for indemnification, the court ruled that the Gestapo was correct in punishing such “treasonable activities,” and her plea was refused. 6 The Bonn government has also refused to make any finan- cial compensation to the victims of Nazi persecution in foreign countries. When a group of 57 Polish women who had been used as human guinea pigs for medical experiments in the Ravensbrueck concentration camp requested indem- nification from Bonn, they received an “icy and cynical re- jection” from the Federal Ministry of Finance. The excuse was that no diplomatic ties existed between Bonn and Warsaw and therefore no payments could be made. 7 In 1958 a group of 2,294 Polish ex-prisoners, the survivors of slave labor for the I. G. Farben concern in Auschwitz, brought in a modest suit for 10,000 marks each for past sufferings. Far from suggesting a settlement, the court in Frankfurt rejected the suit on the basis that the “statute of limitations had expired.” In the same year, the Minister of Justice (once the Finance Minister), Dr. Fritz Schaeffer, complained that excessive ex- penditures for indemnification would endanger the stability of the German currency. Yet there are the secret bank ac- counts of Nazi leaders which have never been touched by the German authorities (twenty million marks were dis- covered in two Berlin banks in 1956). Other large accounts were hidden in various West German banks. And instead of using every available penny for the rehabilitation of the victims of persecution, tremendous sums were paid yearly to ex-Nazis. In 1954 the National Zeitung of Basle, in an article, “The Bonn Rehabilitation Scandal,” reported that “about 85 per- cent of the middle and upper dignitaries of the Nazi party, and SA and SS are today receiving their full pensions. In 217 Villains and Victims approximately half of their cases the pension amounts to 1,000 marks a month.” 8 The same is true for the Generals of Hitler’s Wehrmacht, whether or not they were sentenced as war criminals. At the beginning of i960 the German press reported that more than 1,000 Generals and Admirals were receiving pensions averaging 2,636 marks each month. There were 668 widows or relatives of Generals who were getting 60 percent of the full pensions. 9 Similar high pensions are paid to 12 former Secretaries of State, to 59 directors of min- istry departments, and to several dozen widows of such high officials. The former SS General Karl Wolff, who at one point was shipping 5,000 Jews daily to the Treblinka con- centration camp, today lives comfortably on a General’s pension in Kempfenhausen. 10 Dr. Franz Schlegelberger, Hit- ler’s State Secretary in the Ministry of Justice and one of the chief architects of Nazi terror laws, was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1947. His sentence was commuted in 1950, and he receives a monthly pension of 2,890 marks. 11 The pampering of war criminals is not of recent date. It started in 1949, when, in quick succession, with an over- whelming majority, the Bundestag approved several laws in behalf of former Nazis. First came the abolition of death sentences; then an amnesty for all Nazi crimes except man- slaughter and murder; then the 131 Law, which directed all federal, state, and municipal administrators to rehire almost every ex-Nazi; and finally came the Lastenausgleich, a special law under which billions of marks are dispensed each year to Hitler’s most devoted followers, the expellees, in the form of pensions, grants-in-aid, low-interest loans for homes and businesses, restitution for lost property, and so on. The amount spent for the Lastenausgleich during 1959 alone came to nearly five billion marks. It is significant that the builders of the Bonn Republic did not make a new beginning with the rehabilitation of those who had survived the Nazi persecution. They could 218 Moral Insanity have made a law that would have demonstrated to the world that the nation was determined to purge itself completely of the Nazi past. They could have said: “Not a penny for Nazis and militarists before the last victim is rehabilitated.” No such law was made, no such sign was given. The prevail- ing attitude in Bonn was bluntly expressed by a leading Adenauer cabinet member. The Minister of Justice, Thomas Dehler, stated in 1953 in Hamburg that “no compensation should be paid to victims of Nazis until justice is done to the whole German people.” 12 Sympathy for ex-Nazis has become a dominant factor in German life, reported an American magazine. “If a German lawyer wants to get a light sentence for his client, he need only remark in passing that the defendant once suffered in an Allied prisoner-of-war camp.” 13 The so-called “New Germany” being rehabilitated with the multibillion-dollar aid from the United States became the grand benefactor of the Nazis and militarists. According to the Esscher Tagblatt of June 17, 1952, the SS General Erich Reeder, the “bloody judge” of the military court in Brussels, convicted as a war criminal and set free under pressure of the Adenauer government, received “back pay” of 44,000 marks after his release, and was awarded a monthly pension of 1,400 marks. Similar high pensions were given to the SS General Walter Schroeder, once the Nazi Chief of Police of Lubeck, and to the SS General Judicke in Wiesbaden. The papers reported the granting of high pen- sions to Hitler’s former Ministers Schacht, von Papen, and Ohnesorge, to the former Secretaries of the Chancellery Otto Meissner and Hans Lammers, to Goering’s personal aide, Dr. Erich Gritzbach (1,300 marks), to Dr. Goebbels’ aide, Herr von Zittwitz, and to the one-time aide to Alfred Rosen- berg, Helmut Stallrecht. On September 30, 1958, the Frankfurter Allgemeine pub- lished a report (“Into the Pockets of Former Nazis”) which 219 Villains and Victims charged that year after year hundreds of millions of marks are paid to ex-Nazi officials. The long list contains the names of ex-Gauleiters, Nazi mayors, Gestapo officials, and concentra- tion camp commanders. Among a dozen ex-Nazi mayors who receive high pensions is Dr. Friedrich Krebs of Frankfurt, under whom 35,000 Jews were hounded out of the city. The former Lord Mayor of Stuttgart, Dr. Karl Stroelin, receives a monthly pension of 2,000 marks. Dr. Stroelin was once head of the Nazi Ausland Institute and was the chief promoter of subversive propaganda of the Nazi Bund in the United States. Two of the top jurists in Hitler’s courts, State Secretary Kurt Rothenberger and the Senior Prosecutor of the People’s Court, Dr. Ernst Lautz, have been awarded monthly pen- sions of 2,000 marks and 1,600 marks respectively.* Rudolf Diels, the first chief of Hitler’s Gestapo, was also given a high pension. There have been countless reports of cases in which former Nazi officials filed claims in the amount of 100,000 marks and more for belongings lost in war action. One Nazi, the ex-Reichstag member Dr. Helmut Stallrecht, claimed dam- ages of 90,000 marks for a manuscript on Nazi race theories which he had written and which had been lost at the end of the war. 14 Very often the courts have given full recognition to such claims. In 1958 a member of the Bundestag, Jakob Altmaier, declared that each year almost two billion marks are paid to Hitler’s Gauleiters, ministers, SS officers, and tens of thousands of “old fighters.” 15 From the Nazi Gauleiters down to Hitler’s valet, a former SS guard, every Nazi was eligible for a comfortable pension from the Bonn Republic. The most celebrated case is probably that of a swineherd, who, in recognition of his early allegiance to Hitler, was * The case of Dr. Lautz, who had demanded the death sentence for 400 people, stirred much criticism. In 1958 his pension was cut in half (Die Welt, April 12, 1958). 220 Moral Insanity elevated in 1943 to the status of a Beamter, a state official ap- pointed for life and eligible for a pension. The “old fighter” received his salary up to 1955, when someone discovered his past and decided it was a disgrace for a swineherd to be classified as a Beamter. His salary was canceled, and this would have ended the case, had it not been for the highest Federal Court and the 131 Law which provides for ex-Nazis. The swineherd was reinstated as Beamter, and when he dies his relatives are eligible for a state pension. 16 The I. G. Farbens, the Krupps, Flicks, and Mannesmanns have multiplied their fortunes. Sepp Dietrich and his col- leagues are free and enjoy the financial blessings of the Bonn Republic. Men like Seebohm, Oberlaender, Schroeder, and Globke grace Dr. Adenauer’s official family. But fifteen years after the end of the war, more than a million victims are still waiting to be compensated for their past sufferings. 18 The Lost Generation Early in 1959 an enterprising television reporter, Juergen Neven-DuMont, visited a dozen elementary and secondary schools in various parts of Germany, where he interviewed students between fourteen and seventeen years of age. In the glaring light of his TV cameras, the reporter put a few questions to hundreds of pupils in upper-grade classes: “What do you know about Adolf Hitler and the concentra- tion camps?” “How many people were murdered under the Nazi regime?” The answers were startling. Nine out of ten students either had heard nothing of Hitler or knew him only as “the man with the funny black mustache” or “the builder of the Autobahns” — Germany’s superhighways. Some youngsters knew Hitler as “the ruler from 1933 to 1945” who “had arrested the criminals and had revived Germany.” Those who recited a few facts about the concen- tration camps and the anti-Semitic persecution said they had heard about this in their homes, not in the classrooms. They estimated that a “few thousand” had died in the con- centration camps. The teachers, also interviewed, hesitantly admitted that 222 Moral Insanity recent German history is a delicate problem. They traced their pupils’ ignorance chiefly to a “cramped curriculum” which allowed for little history since 1918. They gave other reasons. Some said that not enough time had passed for an objective history of the Hitler period to be written; others blamed parents who indoctrinated their children with a glamorized version of the Nazi past. 1 Fourteen years after the war, German students either pro- fessed ignorance of Hitler and his regime or thought Hitler had done “more good than harm.” Die Welt of Hamburg commented: “There is something rotten in our schools.” Careful surveys, however, established the fact that the ma- jority of children knew more about Hitler and the Nazi past than they would admit publicly, and it was pointed out that they were merely imitating their parents, who prefer to keep silent when asked about the Hitler period. 2 Flora Lewis, in a penetrating analysis in the New York Times, reported that there is “an almost nation-wide need to pull the blinds on the past.” 3 German history textbooks which, under Allied occupation, contained fifty pages and more about the Nazi atrocities and concentration camps, are today completely revised and show great charity toward the Nazi record. The Hitler terror is mentioned in a few lines, but no facts and no figures are given. For example, a textbook for the upper grades of the elementary school deals with the mass extermination of Jews: “Jews fared worst under Hitler. They were expelled from the German people. They were shipped by the thousands into concentration camps. Because of hunger, diseases and maltreatment, many died.” There is a tendency not only to forget but to suppress the history of the Nazi past. In its 1949 edition, a widely used textbook, Man in Changing Times, had an eight-page description of the concentration camp terror; the 1958 edi- tion makes no mention of this topic. The same 1949 edition 223 The Lost Generation strongly condemned the persecution of the Jews in more than three pages; the 1958 edition gives this subject fourteen lines. Most textbooks absolve the German people outright of any responsibility for the Nazi regime and even of knowledge of the atrocities in the concentration camps. Some textbooks minimize the Nazi crimes but glorify Hitler’s military suc- cesses in World War II.* There are a few history books available which give a fuller account of the Nazi past, but these books are systematically ignored by the school authori- ties. The choice of textbooks is left entirely to the principals and teachers — a privilege much misused by the former Nazis. As might be expected, many teachers in elementary and secondary schools often show Hitler and the Nazi system in a favorable light. Others simply skip the Nazi period entirely. A check of the top grades in 266 schools, made by the Minis- try of Education in the State of Hesse, revealed that only 50 percent had devoted five hours or more to the history of the Nazi period and World War II. The rest had not gone beyond World War I, or had mentioned the Hitler regime only briefly. 4 Teachers frequently excuse themselves by pointing out that it is difficult to correct the false historical image their pupils have as long as the majority of parents harbor old Nazi ideologies and resentments. A survey in “one of Frank- furt’s finest high schools” indicated that “even among well- educated German youth there were many who were highly prejudiced against the Jews . . . the prejudice of their par- ents had infected them.” 5 Anti-Semitism is sometimes ex- pressed by students publicly in such statements as “Israel must vanish,” or “Our fathers were Nazis and so are we.” 6 Rabbi Zvi Asaria, of the Synagogue in Cologne, has stated that * This is particularly true in the following three textbooks for high schools: The Living Past (1952), Basic History (1956), and History from 1789 to the Present Day (1959). 224 Moral Insanity most Germans have not reformed but have instead poisoned the young generation with their bias. The rabbi declared that Jewish children in various schools in Cologne are fre- quently insulted by other pupils with the old cliche: “It’s a pity that you and your parents weren’t gassed by Hitler.” 7 According to Dr. Hanna Vogt, educational adviser to the State of Hesse, the attitude of some youngsters seems to be that “if so many Jews were killed by the Nazis, the Jews must have given some cause for the persecution.” 8 An analysis presented by the Frankfurter Allgemeine comes to the conclusion that a large majority of Germans “are still smarting under the trauma of the Thousand-Year Reich,” that there are “few teachers who can jump over the shadow of their National Socialist past,” and that the Nazi ideology “still lingers in many circles.” Tests have shown that up to 70 percent of the German youth are indoctrinated with Nazi ideas and anti-Semitic concepts. Most of the youngsters have heard from their parents, relatives, or friends, that under Hitler the Jews and Slavs were killed by the millions. But they also know that it is not wise to admit openly that they have knowledge of these facts. The German masses are extremely conscious of the fact (and are often reminded by the press) that “the Aus- land — the world abroad — is watching you,” and the old bias is often suppressed, not because of moral scruples but rather because of expediency, since open Nazi manifestations “have unfavorable repercussions abroad.” 9 Thus the people seem to take refuge behind the generally accepted defense that “no living German had been a Nazi and none had participated in or condoned the Nazi crimes.” 10 A survey made by the American Jewish Congress gave a pointed description of the German attitude: Many Germans were glad to accept the contention that the Nazis had not committed any crimes of magnitude. There were, to be 225 The Lost Generation sure, concentration camps, but the accounts of bestial treatment were flagrantly exaggerated. The inmates of those camps were reasonably well fed and cared for. The films shown to the German people by the occupation powers were fake. The figure of six million Jews was a fabrication. … In any event, the crimes of the Allies balanced the Nazi crimes and the suffering of the Jews was offset by the suffering of the Germans who endured bombard- ment of their cities and starvation through blockade. This ration- alization of the past achieved two major purposes: It not only relieved the German people of the obligation to atone for their crimes against humanity but prepared the ground for the re- habilitation and reinstatement of the Nazi criminals into German life. . . . Slowly but surely the German people — except for a small minority — allowed themselves to be persuaded by the apologetics. 11 It is correct to say that the tremendous collective effort to repress the evil record of the Nazi past from the national conscience has created a nation of self-styled “historical il- literates.” When a hundred students from a teachers’ college in Bavaria were questioned about the Nazi past, 75 percent pretended complete ignorance, and the rest showed only superficial knowledge of the Hitler period. 12 Again, when a group of fifty university students and young teachers were questioned about the number of Jews who perished under the Nazi terror, the majority said they had no knowledge of such killings. Only a few made estimates, with the highest figure given as 40,ooo. 13 It is likely that more than 80 percent of the youth of voting age have never acquired accurate information about the Nazi regime and the events that brought about the German defeat of 1945. Yet it is obvious that Nazi doctrines are very much alive. A report in Die Welt declared: “We must take it for granted that the virus of Nazi propaganda is still present. Everything that Hitler, Rosenberg, and Streicher’s Stuermer once preached about the Jews is still alive.” The report goes on to say: 226 Moral Insanity In most schools, there is a lack of readiness to touch the hot iron. . . . There is a general reluctance (on the part of the teachers) to discuss such themes as National Socialism and the Jewish question. . . . The number of teachers who are willing to preach tolerance and convey a true understanding of the Nazi past to their students seems to be alarmingly small. 14 Threats and intimidations are made against those who dare to explain the character of the Nazi regime and against newspapermen who publish stories about the way Nazism is taught in the schools. The Frankfurter Allgemeine published a report about a regional conference of educators, at which young teachers complained about intimidation by older colleagues, school directors, and government officials when they tried to deal critically with the Nazi period. It was charged that “senior teachers and school directors only pay lip service to the democratic institutions” and that the glori- fication of nationalistic ideals is prevalent. 15 In a letter to Die Welt, a young teacher reported that he was advised by the director of his school not to speak adversely about National Socialism. The significant hint was: “Why should such times not come again?” In his letter the teacher asked the editors not to publish his name or the town where his school is located. 16 On March 28, 1959, the Frankfurter Rundschau printed a long story about a newspaperwoman in Bremen, Frau Lilo Weinsheimer, who had shown in several articles how the topic of Nazism was evaded in the schools and had warned against the growing neo-Nazi influence in youth organiza- tions. Frau Weinsheimer received several threatening phone calls. One anonymous voice told her: “Either you stop your criticism or we will hang you.” Similar threats were made against the director of a high school in Erlangan, Dr. Herbert Paulus, for having permitted a lecturer at the school to describe Hitler as a “dangerous psychopath.” 1T A large number of children of former Hitler followers 227 The Lost Generation have been organized in Nazi-type youth organizations. At least 70,000 indoctrinated youngsters, many of them sport- ing Nazi-syle uniforms, constitute the hard core of the Fed- eration of Rightist Youth Organizations. These neo-Nazi youth groups are known under such names as Eagle, Viking, German Youth, Kyffhaeuser Youth, and German National Student Alliance. Little is done by the authorities to stem this trend. German officials have said that “the problem is complicated further by the glamorized versions of the Nazi era which young West Germans repeatedly encounter in mass- circulation illustrated magazines and in some motion pic- tures.” 18 German school authorities, by their own account, have not been capable of overcoming the resentment of teachers and parents against a factual evaluation of the Hitler era. Education from the elementary school to the universities is administered by the ten individual German states. Al- though the states have coordinated their efforts by setting up a Permanent Council of the West German Educational State Ministries, the implementation of the directives de- pends entirely on the good will of the school authorities. Un- fortunately most officials on the supervisory level are old Nazis who are in no way eager to embark on an ideological crusade which condemns their own past. The educational picture is complicated by the fact that other federal agencies are working in quite different di- rections. The Bundeszentrale fuer Heimatdienst (Federal Agency for Domestic Affairs) issues factual material about the Nazi past for the enlightenment of the German public. Very few teachers, however, are inclined to use this material in the classrooms. In an interview with the Sueddeutsche Zeitung, Dr. Schweitzer, the secretary of the agency, stated that the teachers “are flooded with books and brochures which extol the nationalistic spirit of the recent past.” 19 This propaganda material is financed directly or indirectly by 228 Moral Insanity various federal ministries, such as the Bundeswehr and the Ministry for All-German Affairs, which exclusively advocate the fight against Communism and the liberation of the lost territories in the East. This of course is political fare much more appropriate to the nationalistic taste of the majority of the German teachers than dwelling on the sins of the Nazi regime. When Westerners or representatives of Jewish organiza- tions visit Bonn, they are shown the efforts made by the Bundeszentrale fuer Heimatdienst. There Western visitors see the brochures and posters which are aimed at instilling public officials, teachers, and students with an objective view of the Nazi past. However, foreigners are not told that this material is not accepted and not used by the overwhelming majority of teachers and students. In his interview with the Sueddeutsche Zeitung, Dr. Schweitzer went on to say: The Heimatdienst has no illusions as to whether its material is really used in the classrooms. . . . The agency has issued docu- mentary reports, testimony of eye witnesses and factual data about the persecution of Jews and the mass extermination in the gas chambers. Ten thousand copies of a book were distributed to all history teachers. Thus there is no lack of source material. If the pupils are not acquainted with the Nazi past, it is entirely the fault of the teachers. What the student reads is often a distorted view of history. In the German schoolbooks one finds the old intoxication with the “invincibility” of Prussia and the imperial Reich; the glorification of munitions czar Alfried Krupp; the “encir- cling of Germany by greedy enemies”; the suffering under the Versailles Treaty; Hitler’s rise to power and unification of all German-speaking peoples; France and Britain’s “dec- laration of war on Germany” (but with no explanation of why); Hitler’s blitzkrieg victories; Germany’s “heroic fight against Bolshevism”; the “horror nights under Allied bomb- 229 The Lost Generation ing”; and finally the “tragic downfall” of the Fatherland. The immorality of the Nazi regime is often treated with complete silence. Rightist newspapers explain Germany’s military debacle as due to the gigantic superiority of material wealth on the part of the Allied powers. Hitler’s attack against the Soviet Union appears as justified, since Communism is certainly the greatest danger. Unfortunately the Allies were blind and Churchill and Roosevelt were led by a fanatical hatred against Germany. Today the Americans have belatedly seen the light and have made West Germany their closest ally. In an academic journal, high school teachers were told: “Many features in today’s Western policy toward Bonn are based on the assumption that without a strong Germany the Soviet bloc cannot be contained. The recognition of this fact implies that the National Socialist measures of preventive war against the East were sound and justified.” 20 According to a statement by Dr. Kurt Frey, Executive Secretary of the Permanent Council of the Ministers of Edu- cation, “German textbooks have become constantly softer on recent [Nazi] history.” Dr. Frey declared that teachers and parents refuse textbooks which give a realistic and factual presentation of the Nazi period. He expressed this gloomy view about the present German generation: “This nation is still mentally ill, more than is generally thought. . . . Ninety-nine percent of the people do not yet understand that we have to have really new ideas, that there is no more Reich and there never can be.” 21 There are of course small groups of young people, who, with the help of democratic parents or an able teacher, or through their own interests and efforts, have tried to build a new, tolerant, and broad-minded generation. There have been encouraging manifestations of a strong democratic spirit among youth groups in the larger cities like Hamburg and Berlin, where a liberal movement cannot be stifled too easily. Some youth groups have honored the memory of Anne Frank, 230 Moral Insanity others have organized annual pilgrimages to the mass graves at former concentration camp sites, and students at the Uni- versity of Goettingen even staged successful demonstrations which led to the ouster of the Minister of Education, Leon- hard Schlueter, a nationalistic demagogue. But unfortunately these democratic youth groups are not held up as praise- worthy examples. They have found neither the hearty sup- port of the Bonn administration nor that of the Laender. For the purpose of window dressing, the existence of these demo- cratic groups is loudly advertised in Bonn’s propaganda abroad, but in Germany proper they are viewed with sus- picion. They are regarded as “too re-educated.” If they dare to criticize the presence of former Nazis in high cabinet posi- tions, they are branded as “fellow travelers” and are harassed and even threatened by the police. The attempts at educating a new democratic generation must contend with many problems. Most young Germans are attracted by the economic boom and are absorbed in their efforts to share in the prosperity. In addition, they are fed nationalist reading matter of all kinds. An AP dispatch from Bonn told of action taken by a censorship board against the book Of War and Peace, written by Colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel. The board, charged with banning publications re- garded as “dangerous to the youth,” classified Rudel’s work as “a hate and propaganda book against the present demo- cratic order.” The AP dispatch went on to say that “hun- dreds of war-adventure booklets have been flooding the West German market lately.” The booklets “usually portray the Germans as super-heroes” and “always deal with sex, sadism and brutality.” They obviously suit the taste of a large major- ity of German youngsters, for the war stories are bought in such quantities that this trade has become very profitable. The report says that in the past “publishers have sold several million of the booklets each month for fifteen cents each.” 22 Perhaps it is not surprising that there are a number 231 The Lost Generation of flourishing nationalistic youth organizations, thoroughly trained and indoctrinated. These Rightist groups are driven by a fanatical ideology, deeply rooted in the Nazi past. They enjoy the backing of influential circles in the Bundeswehr, in industry, and among reactionary government officials. No less a figure than the director of the Department of Political Science at Bonn University, Professor Bracher, warned that the existence of ultra-Rightist groups and their affiliated nationalistic youth organizations “constitute a latent danger which in a time of crisis could lead to fatal consequences.” 23 The 850 anti-Semitic outrages officially reported during the first six weeks of 1 960, committed mainly by young people between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five, are a clear indica- tion of the present danger. It does not speak well for the Western powers or for the Adenauer administration that an- other “lost generation” has grown up in Germany. PART FOUR Image and Reality 19 Behind the Adenauer Facade Several years ago the able Washington bureau chief of the New York Times, James Reston, made this striking observa- tion: “There has been a growing tendency in Washington since the war for the government to put out not what it knows to be true, but what it wants the people to believe to be true.” 1 What does the State Department want the people to be- lieve to be true about Germany? First, that the decision to transform the defeated enemy into an ally was a wise one; second, that the Germans have changed profoundly and have formed a truly democratic society; third, that in Chancellor Konrad Adenauer the Germans have found a leader and statesman whose counsel is sought throughout the Western world. It was mainly on the basis of this last point — the Adenauer image — that the State Department and the Pentagon suc- ceeded in gaining the support of the American people for a close alliance with the Bonn Republic. During the early post- war years America’s feeling about Germany was still affected by knowledge of her Nazi past. The very word “German” was 236 Image and Reality in ill repute — it was generally equated with “Nazi.” In a survey made as late as 1958 by the Gilbert Youth Research Organization, hundreds of young people between fourteen and nineteen years of age gave the following responses when the word “German” was mentioned: “Nazis . . . war . . . concentration camps . . . persecution . . . Hitler . . . fall- ing bombs.” 2 The report noted that the teen-agers were “in- fluenced by old war movies [on TV] and by the still vivid recollections of parents and older friends who lived through those years of atrocities and propaganda.” Given our alliance, it was obvious that there was a need to obliterate the existing picture of Germany and supplant it with a new one. The American people were told that Ade- nauer had emerged as a forceful democratic leader untainted by the German past, an outstanding politician, and a states- man of historic significance. The success story of the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic is indeed a remarkable one. When Adenauer en- tered German national politics in his early seventies, many of his younger colleagues were firmly convinced that the Lord Mayor of Cologne — well known as a conservative, nationalist, and stubborn egocentric — was no longer a man of much polit- ical significance. Even after Adenauer had reached some prominence as a politician in the Rhineland, there were few who believed his career could go further. Delbert Clark pictured him as “a bad-tempered but extremely astute re- actionary.” In his party he was regarded as “the great symbol of extreme political toryism,” and a former admirer described him as “a malicious old man.” 3 “The Old Fox,” as he was called by friend and foe, proved his superior political acumen by outsmarting dozens of younger but equally ambitious contenders in the field of party politics. In 1949 the Bundestag elected him with a one- vote majority — his own — as the first Federal Chancellor of the newly formed West German state. At that time the Bonn 237 Behind the Adenauer Fagade Republic was still under the tutelage of the victors. The three Western High Commissioners had supreme authority and ruled on the basis of an occupation statute. For Konrad Adenauer it was a difficult uphill struggle in every respect. He had to consolidate his position as leader of his party, he had to establish his authority as Chancellor and secure majorities in the Bundestag, and he had to whittle down the supreme power of the Allied High Commissioners in order to obtain full sovereignty for the Bonn Republic. Dr. Adenauer accomplished all three feats almost simultane- ously — sometimes operating alone, but more often with sup- port from Washington. When Adenauer became Chancellor in 1949, his name was completely unknown to the American public. Most European and American newspapermen, however, were skeptical about the new German leader. They doubted his sincerity and trust- worthiness and quoted his party friends who described him “as an old fox whose obstinacy is matched only by his capacity for intrigue.” 4 Despite these unfavorable press reports, Dr. Adenauer had made a strong impression on U.S. government officials. Gen- eral Lucius Clay described the Chancellor as an “interesting personality” and a “capable politician” who has “the intel- ligence and character to act as a statesman.” 5 With the grow- ing East-West tension, the German military potential became important to Washington. Dr. Adenauer, who had proposed German remilitarization long before he was elected Chancel- lor, became a favorite of the Pentagon and the State Depart- ment. With the blessing of Washington, a publicity campaign was launched in America which presented Konrad Adenauer as an almost legendary statesman. The Bonn government re- tained a New York public-relations firm whose main task was to promote the Adenauer image. When the German Chancellor made his first official visit to the United States in April 1953, he scored a great diplo- 238 Image and Reality matic success with the new Eisenhower administration. Dur- ing his coast-to-coast tour American newspapermen pointed out that the Chancellor possessed a “most unusually sharp instinct for publicity.” In San Francisco, Adenauer addressed a gathering of seven hundred prominent representatives of the political and economic world at the Commonwealth Club. He spoke before huge press conferences, meetings of the For- eign Policy Association, exclusive clubs, and universities. At Harvard, Chancellor Adenauer was introduced by Dr. Conant to a distinguished academic gathering. It was a success which, according to Adenauer’s biographer, “no European statesman had yet been able to achieve in the United States.” Here is the story in round figures: Sixty million Americans, it was estimated, had seen the German Federal Chancellor on their television screens. Five hundred American radio stations had devoted a daily average of ten min- utes to news broadcasts on the Chancellor’s visit. More than five thousand newspaper articles had been written about him, and over one thousand different photographs were published in the papers. And some fifteen thousand movie theaters all over the United States had shown newsreels of his visit. 6 Bonn left nothing to chance in its effort to build up Dr. Adenauer as the great crusader for democracy and Western ideals. According to a German press report, the cost of these public-relations activities amounted to the staggering sum of no less than twelve million dollars! 7 Adenauer had shown himself to be a master of publicity and timing. His tour through the United States was the open- ing move in the election campaign for the Bundestag. His biographer pointed out that the CDU focused their election campaign on Adenauer, and that his successful mission to the United States “was now redounding to his credit with the German public in general.” Dr. Adenauer earned prestige and new votes by the millions in his homeland. When the 239 Behind the Adenauer Facade election returns came in on September 6, 1953, the votes for the CDU had surged from 7,000,000 in 1949 to 12,500,000. Adenauer, says Paul Weymar, was presented to Americans as the wise reformer of the “New Germany,” a stanch demo- crat and firm friend of the United States, a leader “to match with the great Churchill himself,” a statesman who had be- come the “passionate defender of Western civilization.” There is no doubt that publicity efforts in Adenauer’s be- half were effective. It was difficult to sustain the memories of tortures and mass atrocities, concentration camps and charnel houses, and the rape and pillage of a dozen European nations when confronted with the painstakingly created image of the upright Chancellor. The German people, Adenauer assured his listeners, have reformed and “they will never forget this lesson.” Declaring that the “democratic heritage of ideas is alive and strong” in Germany, the Chancellor said: “There can be no serious talk about the danger of neo-Nazism, or right-wing radical influence on the federal government.” 8 Year after year, Dr. Adenauer returned to the United States. And gradually the term “Adenauer’s Germany” began to establish in people’s minds the concept of a “New Ger- many.” When in early i960 the wave of anti-Semitic out- bursts aroused world-wide indignation, Adenauer made ar- rangements with his New York public-relations firm, Roy Bernard, “for a new and much wider campaign to present a favorable picture of Germany to the American public.”* Indeed, his visit to the United States in March i960 had all the characteristics of a high-powered publicity campaign. According to the semi-official monthly Aussenpolitik, Dr. Adenauer scored an extraordinary success: Within nine days, Dr. Adenauer delivered 12 long addresses, 22 speeches and held four news conferences. He appeared as guest at 14 official banquets, and he had 20 individual conferences, each lasting half an hour. He conferred with Eisenhower, Nixon, Her- ter and other officials for several hours. The whole schedule 240 Image and Reality allows us to draw a significant conclusion: The fact cannot be overlooked that the information given to the public by the visiting statesman is equally important to his contacts with top officials in Washington. 10 During his press interviews and speeches, the Chancellor assured his listeners again and again that there were no more Nazis in Germany and that the rash of swastika-daubings was the handiwork of nonpolitical teen-agers, drunks, cranks, and “a few Communists.” There is no doubt that for a great many people these are satisfactory answers and that the large-scale publicity offen- sive has had the desired effect. And there is more to come. In a full-page article, the Deutsche Zeitung, a voice of Ger- man heavy industry, recently described the long-planned establishment of a German propaganda center in New York. Its task will be to create “smooth relations with the press and other communications media,” to establish “close contacts with academic circles and with leading representatives of business, and to court those personalities whose liaison activ- ities are indispensable to the creation of good will and in presenting to the public the German point of view.” ” The following organizations were named as leading agents in Bonn’s propaganda efforts: the German-American societies, Goethe House in New York, the American Council on Ger- many, described as the “mouthpiece for German interests,” and a “number of public-relations firms retained by Volks- wagen, Mannesmann, and other large German companies.” In one way or another these organizations and agencies present an optimistic picture of modern Germany that often bears little relation to reality. Certainly it is a flat distortion of the truth when Dr. Adenauer assures British and American audiences on television that there are no Nazis in Germany. The German Chancellor must know from the reports of his Minister of the Interior that the Bonn Republic is studded with hundreds of Nazi-type organizations. It is interesting to 241 Behind the Adenauer Fagade note that in 1956 New York Times correspondent A. J. Olsen reported that Bonn officials keep 100 extreme Rightist groups under surveillance, “all rating the neo-Nazi label.” Officials stated that “there are at least 35 youth groups among the Right radical organizations; most are fitted out with romantic names . . . with uniforms patterned after the Hitler Youth outfit.” The Bonn officials told Olsen that “a number of Right radical leaders could be picked up any time on charges of subversive activity. The official policy is to ignore them as long as they pursue their present ineffectual rounds.” 12 In May i960 the Prosecutor General in the State of Hesse, Dr. Fritz Bauer, announced after a thorough investigation of the records of a former high Hitler Youth official, Karl-Heinz Priester, that this Nazi leader had kept contact with no less than “800 groups and organizations of neo-Nazi character.” 13 There is another aspect of the Adenauer portrait which, in the eyes of many observers, does not faithfully represent the original. Much has been said and written about Adenauer as the “stanch democratic leader,” who has laid the founda- tions for constitutional freedom and democratic order under law in the traditionally autocratic Germany. The truth is, as most Germans know, that Dr. Adenauer throughout his life has ruled with the iron hand of an autocrat, first as Lord Mayor of Cologne, then as Chancellor of the Federal Repub- lic. Dozens of German cartoons have depicted Konrad Ade- nauer as the strict disciplinarian, holding the whip hand over Parliament and his cabinet, presiding like a headmaster over an unruly class. “Der Alte” (“The Old Man”) is actually feared by his closest aides, cabinet members, and his own party deputies in the Bundestag. Professor Theodor Eschen- burg, a leading German authority on constitutional law, re- cently compared Adenauer’s rule with that of a “medieval king” who held sway over his principality by absolute power. 1 * For Adenauer, the constitution exists only as a convenient democratic window display. There is no cabinet deliberation 242 Image and Reality such as that known in the West. The British newspaper cor- respondent Brian Connell reports about Adenauer: “There is in him the tendency toward intolerance that seems a char- acteristic of almost every German politician. . . . When asked, during his first government, whether he could get cabi- net approval of a particular measure, he answered bluntly: ‘Don’t worry, I am at least 70 percent of that cabinet.’ ” 15 Many German democrats believe that even this is an under- statement, that Adenauer alone is the cabinet and his minis- ters are just orderlies. In 1950 the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Gustav Heinemann, was forced to resign after having rebelled against the Chancellor’s rearmament policy. Ade- nauer had insisted on total agreement by his cabinet. 18 Charles Thayer points to the Chancellor’s “steamroller tactics in Parliament and his tendency to make minor sacri- fices of ethics to political expediency.” Thayer also feels that the majority of Germans vote for Adenauer as a popular polit- ical figure “because he fulfills the traditional German dream of a strong man.” 17 Granted that grave psychological and political mistakes were made by American and British military authorities dur- ing the first few years of the occupation. Granted further that, with the stepped-up cold war, Allied denazification policies became unpleasant and cumbersome burdens which the West- ern powers wanted to get rid of as quickly as possible. All this does not free Dr. Adenauer from the responsibility for the present situation. The Chancellor himself has contributed enormously to the present mental and moral confusion by stubbornly championing cabinet members, top advisers, and other high officials whose unsavory Nazi records had been publicly discussed throughout the nation. It was Adenauer who demanded, in 1951, that the opposition should halt its “snooping around in Nazi records.” It was Adenauer who steadfastly stood by his Secretary of the Chancellery, Dr. 243 Behind the Adenauer Facade Globke, and it was Adenauer who defended his cabinet mem- ber, Dr. Oberlaender, in spite of his Nazi past. No one has ever suggested that Adenauer himself was a Nazi or a sympathizer of Nazism. Yet this refusal on the part of the Chancellor to take a principled stand on ousting those of his officials with dubious records has had a catastrophic effect on the moral climate of a sick nation. The great majority of the Germans are quite satisfied with the way “The Old Man” is running the affairs of the state. Under him Germany has gone a long way toward regaining her position as a world power, and that is all that matters. 20 A Dependable Ally? A few years after the second collapse the Germans were on their feet again. Energetically they went to work rebuilding their shattered cities and regaining their prewar production levels. Today the Federal Republic is the strongest economic and military power in Europe. For the last ten years Germany has enjoyed an unprecedented boom, the so-called Wirtschafts- wunder. With more than seven billion dollars in gold and foreign exchange in her coffers, Germany has become the strongest financial power next to the United States. The Federal Republic has even pushed Great Britain from second place as an industrial exporter. The boom on Rhine and Ruhr surges on with unabated strength. Because West Germany is short of man power, tens of thousands of foreign workers have had to be imported from Spain, Italy, and other countries. By the middle of i960 there were 550,000 jobs going begging. Only a little more than 100,000 persons are registered as unemployed; they are either sick or belong in the category of those considered unfit for work. 245 A Dependable Ally? With regained vitality, Germany is back in circulation. From all corners of the world come reports telling of a stepped-up German trade offensive. During the war Germany attacked her neighbors with Stukas, tanks, and submarines; today she conquers with machines, cameras, and Volkswagens. In addition, the Bonn Republic is building a modern army, which they are pressing to have equipped with long-range missiles and nuclear weapons. Although limited to a relatively small area in the heart of Europe, divided Germany is regarded in European capitals as the world’s biggest problem nation. How will this dynamic country use its regained strength, in what direction will it move, and what will be its ultimate aims? Both East and West fear or distrust a Germany which has re-entered the stage of world politics with such unmistakable vigor. The question of how to control Germany is answered dif- ferently in every capital. Washington wants a Germany closely allied to the United States via NATO. American policy plan- ners fear that a freewheeling and uncontrolled Germany may soon become very troublesome. In 1958 the following ex- change took place between the late Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, and Senator George Aiken in a hearing on for- eign policy in the U. S. Senate: senator aiken “After the end of World War II, Germany was divided to make sure that that nation was not a threat to the peace of the world a third time. … Is it your opinion that if East and West Germany should be reunited, the country might again in the future be a threat to the peace of Europe and pos- sibly the whole world? . . .” secretary dulles “I think it is very important, Senator, that a reunited Germany should be integrated into the West through its association with NATO. … I believe that a Germany which was left in a position of neutrality, or some people call it disen- gagement, in the center of Europe, would be under an almost irresistible temptation to play one side or the other, and that that 246 Image and Reality would be a very dangerous situation, dangerous for the West, dangerous for the Soviet Union, and dangerous for the Germans themselves.” 1 Paris, quite understandably, has even stronger fears. France in the past has always been one of the first victims of German aggression. It is precisely for this reason that General de Gaulle wants West German economic and military power closely tied to a European federation which he thinks can be controlled by a revitalized France. London would like to see a Germany economically linked to the West but limited in its military establishment and con- trolled by international treaty arrangements. Moscow wants a demilitarized or a neutralized Germany, unattached to any power bloc, limited to conventional weap- ons, and controlled by a four-power agreement. The Soviets are convinced that a resurrected Germany, armed with mis- siles and nuclear weapons, would some day plunge the world into another disaster. Out of this common fear a tacit understanding has grown in the East and West that it would serve no good purpose if the two German states were to be reunited. The nightmare of the Western powers is that the Soviet Union will some day play her “German card.” As Walter Lippmann and others have pointed out, only Russia is in a position to reunify Ger- many. She can at any time begin negotiations with Bonn that would turn Germany against the West. Such a Russo-German rapprochement is a possibility that haunts statesmen and dip- lomats in all Western capitals. Historians are well aware of the long record of close col- laboration between Russia and Germany. From the time of Frederick the Great to Bismarck’s “Reinsurance Treaty” to the Rapallo Treaty in the Weimar Republic, and to the Hitler-Stalin pact of 1939, expediency has always governed Russo-German relations. In an excellent study on this sub- 247 A Dependable Ally? ject, Edward Hallett Carr has shown the effectiveness of the old seesaw policy which enabled the German government “to manoeuvre freely between East and West, playing off the two rivals against one another, disclaiming any firm or irrevocable commitment to either, extorting concessions from this one by threatening to fall into the arms of the other, and always keeping its own choice open.” 2 The same formula is dominant behind the Adenauer fa- cade. During the postwar years, former Ribbentrop diplo- mats, geopolitical experts within Adenauer’s own party, and leading industrialists from Rhine and Ruhr have openly ad- vocated a policy of close collaboration with Moscow. 3 The fact that the Germans are vehement anti-Communists does not necessarily mean that they are not free to play a shrewd game of Realpolitik. Hitler’s pact with Stalin is remembered in Germany to this day as the greatest diplomatic accomplish- ment of the Fuehrer’s career. On the other hand, Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union is widely regarded as his gravest mistake. In 1955, when Dr. Adenauer visited Moscow, Ali- stair Home, the London Daily Telegraph correspondent in Bonn, reported that Adenauer’s trip caused “almost universal jubilation in the Federal Republic.” * The popular Western view of the Bonn Republic as a bul- wark against Communism is a dangerous illusion, nourished by German propaganda. No German statesman or govern- ment would hesitate for a moment to strike a bargain with Moscow if the Kremlin were willing to make an attractive offer, such as the return of the lost provinces or a new parti- tion of Poland. When in 1949 the foreign press revealed that a group of ultraconservative businessmen and diplomats (among them Dr. Herman Puender, banker Hermann Abs, ex-Minister Dr. Andreas Hermes, Professor Ludwig Ehrhard, and ex-Ambas- sador Count Rudolf Nadolny) had discussed the possibilities of Russo-German collaboration, Dr. Adenauer admonished 248 Image and Reality his party friends to be extremely careful: “We must move very cautiously. We ought not to give the impression, either in Germany or in the United States, that we shall collaborate in any way with the Russians.” 5 There have been frequent hints in the Adenauer press that the Chancellor was pursuing a “tremendously bold plan” of first consolidating a United Europe and then turning to the East to make a deal with Moscow: “The Chancellor is stub- born but he is a realist. . . . He follows the correct thesis of doing two things at the same time: namely, to increase our strength by cooperation with the West, and not neglecting the other, to come to an agreement with the East.” • In 1954, four former Chancellors of the Reich (Dr. Hein- rich Bruening, Franz von Papen, Dr. Hans Luther, and Dr. Joseph Wirth) appeared before influential gatherings, such as the exclusive Rhine-Ruhr Club, advocating a new Rapallo policy and a friendly understanding with Moscow. In 1955, Dr. Adenauer solicited his own invitation to Mos- cow, where he had long secret talks with Bulganin and Khrushchev which resulted in the establishment of diplo- matic relations between the Federal Republic and the Soviet Union. In Moscow, Dr. Adenauer brought tumultuous ap- plause in the packed Bolshoi Theatre when he embraced Bul- ganin in a well-staged gesture. Satisfied with his visit, the Chancellor praised the Soviet Union as “an immense world power that has to be accepted as a reality,” and he stated that “Bulganin and Khrushchev are men whose words I fully trust.” Leaving Moscow, Dr. Adenauer vowed to the press: I swear that we haven’t signed any secret agreement and that furthermore the Soviet Union never has at any point in the negotiations asked us to abandon the Western alliance and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization . . . We believe that what we have done here will help the cause of peace in Europe and all the world. 7 249 A Dependable Ally? Adenauer’s performance in Moscow was reminiscent of Germany’s Rapallo policy of 1923 and the Hitler-Stalin pact of the fateful year of 1939. The New York Times printed this comment: The whole concept of dealing with the Soviet Union from strength has collapsed overnight. … It is one of the ironies of public life that Dr. Adenauer, the archpriest of the policy of strength, the inspirer of Western intransigence against conces- sions, the man who cautioned Washington against weakness at the Big Four Geneva conference, should today be the author and defender of a policy he abhorred less than ten days ago. 8 Under the leadership of Adenauer the Germans are today admired as the crusaders for a United Europe. However, the loudly demonstrated support given by most Germans for the idea of a United Europe should not be considered an indica- tion that the cadres of Hitler’s master race have been trans- formed overnight into a society of cooperative Europeans. For many years now, Switzerland, Austria, and other European countries have raised their warning voices: “They talk of Europe, but what they have in mind is a Gross Deutschland — a Greater Germany.” ® The European commentator of the Christian Science Mon- itor, Ernest S. Pisko, reported not long ago that Nazis and nationalists are backing the United Europe idea and that a “vast amount of nationalist thought has crept almost un- noticed into the officially sponsored supranationalism of the postwar period.” Mr. Pisko further states: These hard-core Nazis . . . have for the past nine years made a determined effort to reach their goal by swimming with the current. They have, figuratively speaking, hitched their trailer, piled with all the impediments of radical nationalism, to the tractor of supranationalism. They ride waving a flag with the inscription “Onward to Nation Europe” and under this slogan, which seems to support and parallel the efforts of the truly sincere 250 Image and Reality Europeans, they hide their plans for establishment of a radically oriented, dictatorially ruled, and German-dominated “Third Force” strong enough to let them talk on even terms with both East and West. 10 Thus German nationalism is still the critical mass that some day may cause another chain reaction engulfing Europe and the entire globe. Washington, which has backed a strong Germany and European integration, is hopeful that nothing unpleasant will happen during the next few years. There is widespread apprehension in Britain, however, that the rap- idly growing economic and military power in Germany will some day result in the complete domination of the European continent. In a recent analysis, the Paris bureau chief of the Christian Science Monitor reported British fears that a re- surgent Germany “may threaten to repeat its past aggression in trying to dominate all Europe.” Germany’s long-term strategy is to weaken France with the help of former collabo- rationists, and to transform Europe into a greater German Lebensraum. According to the Monitor, after General de Gaulle’s exit there will be “no other leader in an otherwise politically soft France to prevent it from quickly yielding to a powerful Germany, particularly within the structure of the United Europe of the Common Market.” The Monitor quoted British officials as saying: “Dr. Adenauer cannot be expected to stay in power very much longer and . . . there is no one to replace him and hold back the ambitious German forces.” « The question whether Germany can again become a threat to the world will be determined to a large extent by the domestic developments in a nation which has so often baffled her neighbors during past centuries. If conditions remain as they are now in the Federal Republic there is little danger of a Nazi or nationalist upheaval. But if there is a recession of the present prosperity or if a political crisis should arise, such an upheaval is entirely possible. Nothing radical, how- 251 A Dependable Ally? ever, will ever happen without the express consent or even directive of the all-powerful bankers, industrialists, and mili- tary masters in Germany. The latter group has until now re- mained discreetly in the background. But the role and influ- ence of the military is rapidly growing, and the day may come when a militant leader will again dominate the German scene. 21 “A Policy of Calculated Risk” After the Second World War, Washington’s policy planners in great haste transformed our former enemy into a close ally. The State Department called the approach toward the new Germany “a policy of calculated risk” based on realistic optimism. Once before we tried a similar experiment when America helped in rebuilding a strong Germany after the First World War, and almost overnight that “reformed” Ger- many of Weimar was replaced by the Third Reich of Adolf Hitler. It should be noted that the picture of Germany presented here is far from complete. There are other important areas in German life which have been excluded from consideration in order to deal more fully with the central theme of this book — whether or not Nazism is still alive. There is no doubt that these other problems are closely related to the main issue. For example: the return of Nazi industrialists and bankers to their former positions of power — the Krupps and Flicks and Hitler’s bankers, Hermann Abs and Robert Pferdmenges — ■ symbolizes the restoration of the old aggressive Germany. Abs 253 “A Policy of Calculated Risk” and Pferdmenges were on the Allied war criminal list, but both remained unprosecuted.* Minister-President Meyers of North Rhine-Westphalia has stated that more efficient con- trols over Germany’s economic captains on Rhine and Ruhr are needed. They had wrecked the Weimar Republic and they are a potential danger to the Bonn Republic. “Only a single financial tycoon,” says Herr Meyers, “is necessary for the support of another Hitler, and all security measures to up- hold the democratic order would prove to be inadequate.” * The return of the rulers of Rhine and Ruhr constitutes a problem of such prime importance for the future safety of Europe and the world that it can only be treated appropri- ately in a separate study. The same is true in regard to the essential facts behind Germany’s rapidly growing army, the Bundeswehr. Led by Hitler’s younger General Staff officers, the Bonn military planners have recently demanded the most modern weapons for their new divisions — Polaris missiles and nuclear bombs. 2 I have left a variety of subjects largely undiscussed: namely, German reunification; the political ineffectiveness of the Ger- man labor unions and the Social Democratic party; the United Europe plan, advocated so strongly by Dr. Adenauer; NATO’s role as an umbrella for German rearmament; Bonn’s far-reaching geopolitcial plans in the Middle East and Africa; and a great number of other important problems. It will be argued that although a large segment of the Ger- man people still cling to Nazi ideas, there must be many, per- haps the majority, who have become reconciled to the present system of a “Chancellor democracy.” The fact is that Dr. Adenauer’s autocratic rule has had a blighting effect on the • In A Watcher on the Rhine, Brian Connell names Abs and Pferdmenges as Dr. Adenauer’s “closest advisers” and describes Pferdmenges, who is the head of the Oppenheim banking house in Cologne, as the Chancellor’s “most inti- mate friend.” 254 Image and Reality tender democratic roots that sprouted under a well-phrased constitution. Most Germans, understandably, have accepted the domineering regime of “Der Alte.” The democratic forces, as we have seen, are far too weak to serve as an effective bulwark against the return of mili- tarism, jingoism, and Nazism, and there is justified fear that the trend is rapidly toward an authoritarian state. The fact that today there is no large organized Nazi party, according to Charles Thayer, “does not dispose of the danger of another dictatorship.” Thayer also points out that “many editors, politicians and commentators have grave doubts about Germany’s ability to survive under a parliamentary system.” 3 Unfortunately the United States did not help create a cli- mate for democracy when the country was occupied in 1945. The tragedy, as Delbert Clark has pointed out, is that from the beginning of the occupation the U. S. Military Govern- ment gave little or no encouragement to the few potential German leaders who had democratic or antimilitaristic sen- timents. The democratic forces were simply “ignored or brushed aside in favor of the old-line Nazis who thrived dur- ing the Hitler regime.” What Clark wrote in 1949 is still valid: Today the “little men” of Germany are unchanged, awaiting only a new leader to tell them what to do. They believe in authority and are lost without it. Democracy to them means American folkways, American political forms, carbonated soft drinks, chew- ing gum, baseball and anti-Communism. The real spirit of democ- racy has never been made clear to them. 4 The Germans have never experienced real democracy. To them democracy is a strange concept, entirely alien to their national heritage. This was strongly emphasized by the ideo- logical interpreter and co-founder of Dr. Adenauer’s party, Professor Friedrich von der Heydte. Stating that twice after 255 “A Policy of Calculated Risk” the Germans were defeated, in 1918 and 1945, the “idea of democracy was brought by the victorious enemy together with the army of occupation,” Professor von der Heydte pointed out that in the eyes of every German “democracy is linked with collapse, defeat, and foreign uniforms stalking German soil.” In the Rheinischer Merkur, he goes on to say: Today it is fashionable in Germany to be a democrat. Every German is a good democrat as a matter of course — if you want to “belong” you have to be. But basically the Germans do not cherish democracy. They submit to it as perhaps people submit to a fashion, although deep inside they resent their uncomfortable plight. 5 This frank description of Germany’s real feeling toward democracy was published in the leading ideological paper of the CDU while Dr. Adenauer was on his first visit to the United States. It did not hinder the Chancellor from assuring his audiences in America that “the democratic heritage of ideas is alive and strong in Germany.” A Bonn government official stated the case quite clearly to an American correspondent: “You know, we Germans will always be willing to obey the man who drops the coin into the slot machine.” He said further that the German people “would discard their democratic vestments without hesitation the moment a new and more dictatorial leader elbowed his way to the slot machine dispensing offices, honors, and prof- its.” 6 This means that a new Fuehrer could be backed by an authoritarian clique, entrenched in industry, bureaucracy and the army; he would not necessarily have to depend on the noisy support of marching storm troopers, mass rallies, flag waving, and all the other trappings of the Hitler period. It is clear that we made two basic errors in our policy. First, we believed that if we gave the Germans prosperity — if they were well fed and well housed — and, in addition, if we gave 256 Image and Reality them the opportunity to vote, they would be safe for democ- racy. The problem is not that simple. Second, we were naive enough to assume that if we inte- grated the Germans into NATO we could pacify and control them. We hoped, furthermore, that Germany’s neighbors would soon forget the past. This has also turned out to be an illusion. We have indeed prodded the Europeans into accept- ance of Germany as a military partner, but they do not trust the new ally. We have spent billions of dollars to rehabilitate the de- feated enemy — we have made Germany a going concern up to a point where she has become strong in the world market. We have made Germany the center of our cold-war policy against the Soviet bloc, and we have stationed 250,000 of our best troops between Rhine and Elbe. Nevertheless, our efforts in Germany have achieved neither democracy nor military security. Despite his strength, Ade- nauer has been barely able to keep the Nazis and nationalists in line. Soon the old leadership will have to give way to the younger forces. They will not be bound by gratitude to the United States; they will work for German interests only. Will the post-Adenauer politicians destroy the Bonn Re- public as effectively as their fathers strangled the Weimar Republic thirty years ago? At the beginning of i960 the Rheinischer Merkur pub- lished several editorials and articles which pointed with alarm to the internal situation in present-day Germany. In brief, the paper contends that: a] the Nazi invasion of the federal government and the administration of the Laender is an established fact; b] the return of Nazi judges to the judi- ciary has created an intolerable situation; and c] the packing of schools and universities with ardent Nazi teachers and their promotion to key positions must be regarded as a public dan- ger. 7 This appraisal by the Merkur indicates that the con- servative (but anti-Nazi) wing in Dr. Adenauer’s own party 257 “A Policy of Calculated Risk” feels the country’s security threatened by the growing power of the nationalistic, militaristic, and neo-Nazi elements. The failure to stop this growth is accepted by the paper as evidence that “the Hitler spirit, still harbored by the German people [Hitler in uns] has belatedly triumphed to an unbelievable degree.” 8 When a paper such as the Merkur appeals to the Bundestag and the Laender parliaments to apply stern measures and to “take control over the executive,” the situation has obviously become critical. The editorial demands an “end to the schizo- phrenic two-faced policy” in the Federal Republic and asks the legislators to “clean up the plague-ridden ministries by using the instrument of the investigative powers.” 9 Appar- ently the feeling is that Adenauer has shown himself unwill- ing to press for the necessary reform. These warning voices, coming from leading conservative circles, should no longer be ignored in America. If past records and present performances have any meaning, we should pause to consider whether we have correctly evaluated the potential of our ally and whether our foreign policy in regard to the German Federal Republic is pointed in the right direction. The time is not far off when we shall see the results of our German experiment. In the meantime the debate will go on between those who say that “Nazism is dead and buried” and those who point to the fact that many Nazis are again in key positions of power. It seems clear that if we continue to ignore the facts, if we continue to rely on a policy that is misled by a facade, then “our deeds today will haunt our chil- dren tomorrow.” References Chapter 5 i Deutsche Zeitung, Stuttgart, June 1 1, 1958. 2 Christian Science Monitor, March 22, 1956. 3 New York Times, January 8, 1961. 4 Time, July 11,1955. 5 Die Weltwoche, Zurich, August 6, 1954. 6 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 27, 1959. 7 Gerald Reitlinger, The Final Solution (New York: The Beechhurst Press. »953). P- 7«- 8 Der Spiegel, February 20, 1957. 9 New York Post, April 2-12, 1956: series of ten articles by Theodore Kaghan. 10 Delbert Clark, Again the Goose Step (New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Co., Inc., 1949), pp. 29 and 130. n New York Times, April 26, 1946. 12 Frankfurter Rundschau, March 19, 1958. 13 Die Zeit, May 6, 1954; also a report in the Frankfurter Rundschau, April 8, 1954. 14 Wilhelm Roepke, The Solution of the German Problem (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1947), p. 196. 15 Brian Connell, A Watcher on the Rhine (New York: William Morrow & Co., Inc., 1957), p. 221. 16 Der Spiegel, October 19, 1955. 17 Der Spiegel, August 17, 1955. 18 Monatshefte (official monthly of the NSDAP), October J939. 260 References Chapter 6 i Clark, Again the Goose Step, pp. 289 ff. 2 Deutsche Zeitung, Stuttgart, November 15, 1952. 3 Die Zeit, October 13, 1955. 4 Frankfurter Rundschau, October 1, 1952. 5 Die Zeit, October 13, 1955. 6 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, April 4, 1955. 7 John D. Montgomery, Forced To Be Free (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), pp. 145, 79. 8 Ibid., p. 81. 9 Paul Weymar, Adenauer: His Authorized Biography (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1957), p. 240. 10 Die Gegenwart, May 7, 1955. 1 1 Prevent World War III (pub. by the Society for the Prevention of World War III), No. 43 O953). 12 New York Times, September 8, 1953. 13 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, October 16, 1956. 14 Freisoziale Presse, Hagen, August 13, 1954. 15 From an official press dispatch in the Frankfurter Rundschau, May 5, 1958- Chapter 7 1 Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., !954). P- 222. 2 Die Nation, Berne, February 13, 1952; Basler Nachrichten, January 29, 1952; Der Aufbau, New York, March 7, 1952. 3 “Hitler’s Hidden Treasure,” in United Nations World, April 1952; “Re- birth of the Nazi International,” in the Nation, April 5, 1952. 4 Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung, No. g, June 1959. 5 “Middle East Caldron,” in Prevent World War III, No. 47 (1955). 6 Der Spiegel, October 26, 1955. 7 Der Spiegel, October 22, 1958. 8 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 4, 1959. 9 Der Sonntag, Limburg, January 25, 1959. 10 Other significant articles, containing details about neo-Nazi groups and their leaders, appeared in the following papers: Deutsche Zeitung, Stuttgart, May 21 and October 29, 1958; Rheinischer Merkur, September 6 and Decem- ber 6, 1957; Frankfurter Rundschau, January 31, 1956, and May 21, 1958; Sueddeutsche Zeitung, April 19, 1959. See also the penetrating study. Rightist 261 References Radicalism in Postwar Germany (Frankfurt A.M.: Franz Vahlen Verlag, 1958), 3°9 PP- 11 Frankfurter Rundschau, October 13, 1952. 1* “Alles fuer Deutschland,” Der Spiegel, October 15, 1952. 13 Time, May 21, 1951. 14 “Putsch Through the Back Door,” Welt am Sontag, May 10, 1953. 15 “Den Gegner Sturmreif Schiessen,” Neue Zeitung, Munich, November 22, 1952- 16 Frankfurter Rundschau, January 31, 1956. 17 Report on the “Old Fighters,” Frankfurter Rundschau, May 21, 1958. 18 “The Democratic Fire Department,” Stuttgarten Nachrichten, May 25, 1956- 19 “Germans Expose Pro-Nazi Writing,” New York Times, June 17, 1956. 20 New York Times, January 18, 1954; also letter by Stuart E. Colie in New York Times, February 1, 1953. 2t Montgomery, Forced To Be Free, p. 34. 22 Quoted in Der Fortschritt, January 16, J958. 23 Die Zeit, May 22, 1958. 24 New York Times, November 28, 1954. 25 Frankfurter Rundschau, September 9, 1957. 26 Die Zeit, March 27, 1958. Chapter 8 i Newsweek, November 10, 1952. 2 Leon Poliakov, Breviaire de la haine (Paris, 1952); Reitlinger, The Final Solution. 3 Victor H. Bernstein, Final Judgment (New York: Boni and Gaer, 1947), pp. 19 and 20. 4 Ibid., pp. 152 and 153. 5 Olga Lengyel, Five Chimneys (New York: Ziff Davis Co., 1947), p. 70. 6 Reitlinger, The Final Solution, pp. 138 and 150. 7 Bernstein, Final Judgment, p. 118. 8 Ibid., p. 140. 9 Ibid., p. 139. 10 Gerald Reitlinger, The SS: Alibi of a Nation (London: Wm. Heinemann, Ltd., 1956). ti Alexander Mitscherlich, Doctors of Infamy (report about the Nuremberg “Doctors’ Trial”) (New York: Henry Schuman, 1949), p. xviii. 12 Reitlinger, The Final Solution, p. 504. 13 Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung, No. le, October 1958. 262 References Chapter 9 i Reitlinger, The Final Solution, p. 198. 2 Ibid., p. 197. 3 Exchange of letters with the New York Times in Prevent World War III, N °- 54 (1959)- 4 Frankfurter Rundschau, May 17, 1953. 5 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, July 30, 1951. 6 Report of the U. S. High Commission, December 1951. 7 DSZ, No. 7, May 1959: “The Sudetenland Is German.” 8 DSZ, No. 8, August 1957. 9 DSZ, No. 12, December 1956. 10 Die Welt, August 4, 1958. 11 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 19, 1959. 12 DSZ, No. 10, October 1958; also New York Times, September 15, 1958. 13 Der Aufbau, New York, September 16, 1955. 14 Stuttgarter Nachrichten, June 14, 1955. 15 Abend-Zeitung, Munich. The article appeared as a reprint in the Social Democratic Vorwaerts, Cologne, June 24, 1955. Chapter 10 1 Der Spiegel, June 3, 1959. 2 Frankfurter Rundschau, April 11, 1957. 3 Foreign Minister von Brentano in the Bundestag on January 31, 1957. 4 The figures were taken from the 1942 volume of the Nazi paper Bruenner Tagblatt and published by Die Oesterreichische Nation, July 1959. 5 Letter by Jan Papanek in the New York Times, August 2, 1957: “The Role of the Sudeten Germans.” Papanek, an anti-Communist, was formerly head of the Czechoslovakian delegation to the U.N. 6 Documents Relating to the Administration of the Occupied Countries of Eastern Europe, No. 8: Extermination of the Polish People, issued by the Polish Information Center (New York, 1941). 7 Statement by Cardinal Hlond, Primate of Poland, in La Nation Beige, February 28, 1940. 8 Bulletin of the Federal Government, Bonn, April 3, 1953. 9 The full text of the document was published in T. H. Tetens, Germany Plots with the Kremlin (New York: Henry Schuman, 1953). 10 Alistair Home, Return to Power (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., 1956), p. 236. 1 1 Rheinischer Merkur, June 22, 1952. 263 References 12 Rheinischer Merkur, January 8, 1953. 13 New York Herald Tribune, August 4, 1954. 14 The Economist, London, December 12, 1953. 15 London Daily Express, January 16, 1957. 16 Frankfurter Rundschau, July 28, 1959. 17 Volksbote, Munich, July 4, 1959. 18 “The Old Guard of the Nazi Party,” Sueddeutsche Zeitung, April 19, 1959; Der Spiegel, June 24, 1959. 19 “The Price of Defeat,” translated in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 7, 1959. 20 Volksbote, January 17, 1959. 2i Frankfurter Rundschau, March 28, 1959. 22 Christian Science Monitor, May 13, 14, 18, 19, and 21, 1959. 23 Die Welt, Hamburg, August 3 and 17, 1959. 24 Sudeten Bulletin, July-August 1955; also Volksbote, November 5, 1955. 25 Volksbote, August 10, 1957. 26 Volksbote, August 15, 1959. 27 Volksbote, March 1, 8, and 15, 1958; also New York Stoats Zeitung, March 8, 1958. 28 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 4, 1959. Chapter 11 i “Crystal Night in Koeppern,” Frankfurter Rundschau, December 20, 1958, and January 22, 1959. 2 The Churchman, New York, October 1, 1956. 3 New York Times, February 26, 1959. 4 Die Welt, January 8, 1959. 5 Frankfurter Rundschau, January 7, 9, and 12, 1959. 6 Rheinischer Merkur, February 7, 1958. 7 Der Aufbau, New York, April 24, 1959. 8 Die Zeit, January 16, 1959. 9 Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden, March 27, 1959. 10 New York Times, January 23, 1959. 11 Editorial in the Frankfurter Rundschau, January 10, 1959. 12 Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden, March 6, 1959. 13 Newsweek, February 2, 1959. 14 “The Sin of Anti-Semitism,” Sueddeutsche Zeitung, January 18, 1959; “Do We Have a New Anti-Semitism?,” Die Zeit, April 10, 1959; “German Anti- Semitism Today,” Der Monat, May and June 1959. 15 New York Times, March 16, 1959. 16 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, January 20, 1959. 17 Die Welt, January 8, 1959. 18 Frankfurter Rundschau, February 5, 1959. 264 References 19 Der Aufbau, New York, February 13, 1959. 20 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, February 5, 1959. 21 Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden, February 27, 1959. 22 Deutsche Zeitung, July 17, 1959. 23 Frankfurter Rundschau, August 24, 1959. 24 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, May 19, 1957. 25 New York Times, March 7, 1959. 26 Der Aufbau, New Yoric, October 2, 1959. 27 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 22, 1959. 28 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, May 15, 1959; also Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 23, 1959. 29 Frankfurter Rundschau, February 12 and 21, 1958. 30 Die Welt, May 20, 1959. 31 Congress Bi-Weekly (pub. by American Jewish Congress), October 19, 1959. 32 Frankfurter Rundschau, February 17, 1958. 33 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, January 17, 1959. 34 New York Times, December 27, 1959- 35 Die Welt, January 4, i960. 36 Rheinischer Merkur, January 8, i960. 37 “Swastika Over Germany,” New York Post, January 15, i960. 38 Christian Science Monitor, January 23, i960. 39 Frankfurter Rundschau, January 20, i960. 40 New York Herald Tribune, January 5, i960. 41 UPI report in Newark Sunday News, October 2, i960. 42 Congress Bi-Weekly, October 19, 1959. Chapter 12 1 Heine, Zur Geschichte der Religion und Philosophic in Deutschland. 2 Roepke, The Solution of the German Problem, pp. 48 ff. 3 Neue Zeitung, Munich, August 27, 1949. 4 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 22, 1959. 5 Frankfurter Rundschau, June 22, September 4, 16, 26, and November 20, 1959- Chapter 13 1 Die Welt, Frankfurter Rundschau, and Sueddeutsche Zeitung, all for Janu- ary 10, 1959. C “Der Hamburger Fehlentscheid,” Die Welt, January 12, 1959. 3 Harold Zink (Chief Historian of the Office of the U. S. High Commission 265 References for Germany), The United States in Germany (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc., 1957), p. 309. 4 Connell, A Watcher on the Rhine, pp. 119-120. 5 Die Welt, September 16, 1958. 6 Die Zeit, Hamburg, published four long articles about the failure of the courts in the Weimar Republic and the legacy of the Nazi period (February 6, 13, 20, and 27, 1959). 7 Manchester Guardian Weekly, April 7, i960. 8 Deutsche Volksieitung, April 25, 1959. 9 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, December 13, 1959. 10 Hubert Schorn (until recently a high-ranking judge in the Bonn Repub- lic), Judges in the Third Reich (Frankfurt, 1959). 11 Erich J. Gumbel, Four Years of Political Murder (Berlin, 1922). 12 Roepke, The Solution of the German Problem, pp. 56 and 57. Chapter 14 1 Frankfurter Rundschau, October 7, 1959. 2 New York Post, October 16, 1959. 3 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, March 16, 1959. 4 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, August 22, 1952. 5 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, January 29, i960. 6 Frankfurter Rundschau, May 1, 1959. 7 Die Welt, July 28, 1959. 8 Der Aufbau, New York, May 29, 1959. 9 Der Aufbau, New York, November 20, 1959. 10 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, January 28, i960. 11 Deutsche Zeitung, April 4, i960. 12 New York Times, April 15, i960. 13 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, November 6, 1959. 14 New York Post, February 5, i960. 15 Die Welt, January 19, 1959. 16 Christian Science Monitor, March 10, i960. 17 Hamburger Echo, August 6, 1954. 18 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 6, 1958. 19 Die Welt, July 11, 1958; Frankfurter Rundschau, July 16, 1958; Deutsche Zeitung, July 19, 1958. 20 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 16, 1959. 21 Die Welt, December 1, 1959; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 2. 1959- 22 Frankfurter Rundschau, November 20, 1959. 23 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, November 20, 1959; Die Welt, December »6, 1959. 266 References 24 Frankfurter Rundschau, November 14, 1959. 25 New York Herald Tribune, December 9, i960. 26 Rheinischer Merkur, September 16, i960. Chapter 15 i Frankfurter Rundschau, September 25 and 26, 1958; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 12, 1958; Sueddeutsche Zeitung, December 20, 1958. 2 Her Spiegel, March 9, i960, published a two-page statement, “The Massa- cres of Lemberg,” by a survivor, Moritz Gruenbart. 3 Rheinischer Merkur, November 27, 1959. 4 Der Spiegel, January 27, i960. 5 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, August 6, 1959. 6 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, August 4 and 30, 1958. 7 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, December 2, 1959. Chapter 16 1 Frankfurter Rundschau, December 15, 1952. 2 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, November 8 and 12, 1954; Zeitung, November 13, 1954. 3 Karl Lachmann, “A German Diplomat’s Road to War Crime,” Diplomatique, Washington, D.C., September 1, 1946. 4 Stuttgarter Nachrichten, October 10, 1955. 5 Newsweek, October 24, 1955. 6 Staats Zeitung, New York, October 13 and November 2, 1948. 7 New York Times, April 26, 1951. 8 “An Extraordinary Spasm of Criminality,” report by Arthur Krock, New York Times, April 26, 1951. The report is based on the official minutes made in the High Commissioner’s office. 9 Der Spiegel, January 31, 1951. 10 Charles W. Thayer, The Unquiet Germans (New York: Harper & Brothers, »957). PP- 233 and 234- Deutsche Corps Chapter 17 1 Weymar, Adenauer: His Authorized Biography, p. 41 1 . 2 Social Democratic [party] Press Service, March 19, 1953. 3 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, September 13 and 27, 1959. 4 The German Dilemma, p. 51. 267 References 5 Der Aufbau, New York, December 30, 1955. 6 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, January 14, 1959. 7 Frankfurter Rundschau, December 24, 1958; also “The Nazi Guinea Pigs,” in Look, March 17, 1959. 8 Quoted in Prevent World War III, No. 48 (1956). 9 Frankfurter Rundschau, January 30, i960. 10 New York Post, February 2, i960. 11 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, January 9, 1959. 12 Overseas News Agency, June 12, 1953. 13 U. S. News and World Report, March 27, 1953. 14 Frankfurter Rundschau, July 30, 1958. 15 Der Aufbau, New York, January 10, 1958. 16 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, May 14, 1959. Chapter 18 i New York Times, May 6, 1959; Die Welt, May 27 and June 13, 1959. 2 “The Unpleasant Past,” Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden, February *7> ‘959- 3 “What German Youth Knows About Hitler,” New York Times Magazine, June 7, 1959. 4 Die Welt, June 27, 1959. 5 The German Dilemma, p. 45. 6 Frankfurter Rundschau, February 20, i960. 7 Deutsche Volkszeitung, January 8, i960. 8 Deutsche Zeitung, June 7, i960. 9 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, August 5, 1959. 10 The German Dilemma, p. 39. 1 1 Ibid., p. 40. 12 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, February 7, i960. 13 Die Welt, May 16, 1959. 14 Die Welt, May 27, 1959. 15 Frankfurter Allgemeine, May 21, 1959. 16 Die Welt, June 3, 1959. 17 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, October 22, 1958. 18 New York Herald Tribune, July 26, 1959. 19 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, February 10, i960. 20 Editorial in the Journal for German High School Teachers, Tuebingen, March 4, 1959. 21 New York Times Magazine, June 7, 1959. 22 New York Herald Tribune, November 20, i960. 23 Deutsche Zeitung, February 3, i960. 268 References Chapter 19 i New York Times, September 16, 1955. 2 “Youths Mistrust World War II Foes,” New York Journal American, Octo- ber 9, 1958. 3 Clark, Again the Goose Step, p. 105. 4 Connell, A Watcher on the Rhine, p. 269. 5 Lucius D. Clay, Decision in Germany, (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1950). 6 Weymar, Adenauer: His Authorized Biography, p. 462. 7 Neue Woche, Saarbruecken, April 16, 1953. 8 Dr. Adenauer speaking before the National Press Club in Washington, D.C., reported in the New York Herald Tribune, April 9, 1953. London Times, March 14, i960. Aussenpolitik, June i960, p. 376. Deutsche Zeitung, June 25, i960. New York Times, March 22, 1959. Deutsche Zeitung, May 31, i960. Frankfurter Rundschau, May 6, i960. Connell, A Watcher on the Rhine, p. 267. Weymar, Adenauer: His Authorized Biography, pp. 342-346. Thayer, The Unquiet Germans, p. 125. 9 10 11 12 13 •4 >5 16 17 Chapter 20 1 Review of Foreign Policy, 1958, p. 804: Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-Fifth Congress, June 3-6, 1958. 2 Edward Hallett Carr, German-Soviet Relations Between the Two World Wars (New York, 1951); Gerold Freund, Unholy Alliance: Russian-German Relations from the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk to the Treaty of Berlin (New York, 1957). 3 A great deal of documentary evidence is presented in Tetens, Germany Plots with the Kremlin. 4 Home, Return to Power, p. 395. New York Times, August 17, 1949. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, April 3 and June 23, 1952. New York Times, September 15, 1955. New York Times, September 18, 1955. 9 Oesterreichische Nation, July 1955, p. 98. 10 “Nazi Dream Still Lingers in Europe,” Christian Science Monitor, Janu- ary 8, i960. 11 Christian Science Monitor, March 31, i960. 269 References Chapter 21 1 Deutsche Zeitung, March 7, i960. 2 “Bonn’s Generals Ask Atom Arms,” New York Times, August 20, i960. 3 Thayer, The Unquiet Germans, p. 157. 4 “The Germans Wait Only for a Leader,” Collier’s, October 1, 1949. 5 Rheinischer Merkur, April 5, 1953. 6 Christian Science Monitor, July 10, 1954. 7 Rheinischer Merkur, January 8, 15, 22, and 29, ig6o. 8 Rheinischer Merkur, July 15, i960. 9 P. W. Wenger, “Die N.S. Selbstfahrlafette,” Rheinischer Merkur, January 29, i960. Index Abendlaendische, Akademie, 134 Abetz, Otto, 30 Abs, Hermann, 55, 70, 247, 252, 253 Achenbach, Dr. Ernst, 29, 30, 60, 112, 113, 201 Acheson, Dean, 207 Acht-Uhr [8-Uhr] Blatt, 157 Adenauer, Chancellor Konrad, 25-27, 37. 39. 4»> 43- 44. 46, 5 6 – 6°. 61, 63-70, 75, 80, 81, 99, 102, 112, 118- 120, 131, 132, 135, 136, 143, 146, 148- 150, 159-161, 197, 198, 205, 220, 243, 247, 248, 250, 255-257. See also Ade- nauer image Adenauer administration, 16, 28, 32, 125, 130, 138, 144, 152, 168, 231; ex- Nazis in cabinet and ministries, 50-55. See also Bonn government Adenauer coalition, 29, 30, 58, 67, 100, 212 Adenauer image, 235-242 Adenauer’s party. See Christian Dem- ocratic Union Adolf Hitler Action Group, 79 Africa, 101, 253 Afrika Korps, 114, 118 Aggebrecht, Juergen, 84 Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden, »7 All-German Bloc (Refugee party), 30, 124 Alliance of the War Generation, 60, 61 Allied High Commissioners, 237 Allied occupation, 85, 129, 162, 175, 184, 222, 254 Allied propaganda, 78 Allies, 63, 89, go, 94, 100-102, 104, 111, 113, 117, 125, 129, 154. 162, 167, 197 Altmaier, Jakob, 206, 219 American Council on Germany, 240 American Jewish Committee, 146, 151 American Jewish Congress, 213, 214 American public, 22 Anti-Jewish publications, 146 Anti-Semitism, 7-18, 75, 85, 132, 152, 156, 161, 174, 210, 221, 223, 224, 231; acts of vandalism, 17, 146, 149-151; Bonn government criti- cized, 144; democratic papers warn against, 145; demonstrations and insults, 142-146; “dormant but not dead,” 151; growing wave, 15; “Hitlerism in 1959,” 140; Koeppern case, 140-142; Nieland affair, 165- 168; “problem of painful actual- ity,” 16; public opinion, 151; 272 Index “revenge on Judaism,” no; the “undesirable Jew,” 142; Zind affair, 6-18 Arab countries, 74, 75, 148 Ardeatina Grotta, 1 10 Argentina, 48, 73, 93, 112, 204, 209 Arndt, Dr. Adolf, 40 Arndt, Ernst Moritz, 6 Asaria, Rabbi Zvi, 223 Asbach, Hans- Adolf, 61, 134 Aschenauer, Rudolf, 194, 201 Associated Press, 81, 230 Association of Former Internees and Victims of Denazification, 61, 80 Association of German Youth. See Bund Deutscher Jugend Association of Judges and Prosecu- tors, 182 Atrocities, 101, 109, 192, 239 Attila, 108 Auschwitz (concentration camp), 9, 38, 39- 9 1 – 92. l6 7> J 93- J 99 Aussenpolitik, 239 Austria, 45, 72, 126, 132, 133, 172, 249 Axis, 98 Bach-Zelewski, SS Gen. Erich von dem, 193 Bad Harzburg, 120 Bad Pyrmont, 80 Baden- Wuerttemberg, 11, 12, 177 Balzek (Poland), 91 Bargen, Dr. Werner von, 47 Barrett, Sen. Frank A., 138 Bartram, Dr. Walter, 59 Basic History (1956 German text- book), 223 Basic law of the Federal Republic, 85 Basler Nachrichten, 73 “Battle of Goslar,” 1 19, 120 Battle of the Bulge, 98, 103 Bauer, Dr. Fritz, 241 Bavaria, 72, 122, 124, 145, 156, 167, 176, 215,225 Bavarian Radio Network, 47, 124 Becher, Walter (“old fighter”), 122; his lobby in Washington, 123, 124; liberation scheme, 138; success story in U.S., 122; ties with State Department, 136-138 Befreiung. See Liberation Belgrade, 133 Ben-Gurion, David, 93, 210 Bennett, Sen. Wallace F., 138 Bergen-Belsen (concentration camp), 9, 90, 100, 159 Berlin, 64, 143, 144, 169, 172, 177, 229 Bernard, Roy, 239 Bernstein, Victor, 98 Best, Dr. Werner, 70 Bewegung Reich, 77 Biermann, Erich, 191 “Big Western lie,” 82 Bismarck, Otto von, 6, 49, 108, 135 Black Forest, 3 Blackmail, 99 Blank, Theodor, 157 Blankenhorn, Dr. Herbert, 37, 46, 52; chief adviser on foreign affairs, 44; organized new Foreign Office, 44 Blitzkrieg, 95 Blobel, Paul, 209 Bluecher, Franz, 54 Blutorden (Nazi Order of the Blood), 53 Boehm, Dr. Franz, 15, 149, 150 Boer War, 101 Bohemia, 132, 198 Bolshevism, 101, no Bonn Foreign Office, 40, 44, 52, 74, 75. 90. 135. !3 6 . M7. !48. 17°: black records, 49; Bundestag forced to investigate, 47; Bundestag re- port ignored, 48; charges in Frank- furter Rundschau, 47; constant cause of embarrassment, 46; diplo- mats implicated in war crimes, 45; foreign service personnel, 47, 48; Dr. Grewe “dissolves Soviet Un- ion,” 109; order to stop “snooping around in Nazi records,” 242; “Wilhelmstrasse Trial,” 45 Bonn government, 66, 76, 77, 125, *33. 145. !5°. “5 1 – l66 – 1 7 2 . !73. 230, 255. See also Adenauer admin- istration Bonn Republic, 12, 16, 18, 19, 21, 24, 25. 3°. 32. 3 8 . 43- 5°- 55- 57. 67, 69, 70, 73, 80, 81, 85, 86, 88, 99, 100, 104, 113, 114, 116, 119, 130, 131, •SS-^. 142. 144. J45- l6 °. !62, 175, J 93> 2 99> 200, 214, 217, 219, 220, 273 Index 235-237. 240, 245, 256, 257. See also Federal Republic of Germany Bosch, Rep. Albert H., 123, 138 Boxer Rebellion, 108 Bracher, Prof., 231 Brack, Viktor, 93, 94 Braune, Werner, 209 Brazil, 49 Bremen, 58, 226 Bremer Nachrichten, 28 Brentano, Heinrich von, 48, 49, 136 Bridges, Sen. Styles, 138 Britain, 67, 74, 91, 100, 101 British Broadcasting Corporation, 21, 75 British High Commissioner, 26, 27 Brown-Shirts. See SA Bruchhaus, Dr., 171 Bruderschaft, 60, 111, 112 Bruening, Dr. Heinrich, 248 Bruenn, 126 Bucharest, 133 Buchenwald (concentration camp), 9, 90, 100, 180, 194 Budapest, 133 Budde, Dr. Enno, 166, 167, 174, 188, 189 Buenos Aires, 26, 73 Buerckel, Josef, 51 Bulganin, Nikolai A., 248 Bund Deutscher Jugend (Association of German Youth), 76, 77 Bundestag, 40, 44, 46-49, 53, 62, 64- 69, 78, 80, 81, 104, 125, 134, 144, 148, 149, 158, 165, 168, 192, 193, 197, 204, 205, 207, 211-213, 217, 219, 236-238, 241, 257 Bundeswehr, 53, 65, 69, 111, 117, 118, 141, 147, 228, 230; creating a mod- ern army, 245; led by Hitler’s younger general staff officers, 253; Polaris missiles and nuclear bombs demanded, 253 Bundeszentrale fuer Heimatdienst, 227, 228 Burdick, Rep. Usher L., 137, 138 “Bureaucracy of Murder,” 79, 196; case of Dr. Oberlaender, 191-193; case of General Reinefarth, 190, 191; Eisele case, 180, 181; escape of convicted Nazis, 180; ex-SS in top police positions, 176-178; Heyde- “Sawade” case, 182-187; medical criminals protected, 188, 189; a secret fraternity, 180 Buresch, Dr. Ernst, 186 Burckhardt, Jakob, 127 Bush, Sen. Prescott, 138 Butler, Sen. John M., 138 Byrd, Sen. Robert C, 138 Cairo, 26, 43, 72-75 Can We Trust Germany?, 22 Capehart, Sen. Homer E., 138 Carr, Edward Hallett, 247 Case, Sen. Francis, 138 Catel, Prof. Werner, “race-purifier,” 188, 189 Catholic Center Party, 57 Catholics, 98, 126, 159, 160, 202 Caux, 193 Central Clearing House for Investiga- tion of Nazi Crimes, 195 Central Jewish Council, 144, 147, 149 Central Planning Staff in Cairo, 74, 75 Cerff, Carl, 68 Charitable Foundation for Institu- tional Care, 183 Chavez, Sen. Dennis, 138 China, 108 Christ und Welt, 16, 42, 203, 204 Christian Democratic Union (CDU), 15. 53. 5 6 – 7°. 112. ’48, 149. 160. 192, 193, 238, 239, 255; Adenauer woos ex-Nazis, 63-66; deals in Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony, Bavaria, 59-62; election returns, 57- 59; ex-Nazis in, 59-61; Naumann deal pays off, 67; Rightest backing, 65; secret deals with ex-Nazis in 1953, 64-66; secret talks with ex- Nazis in 1957, 68, 69; U. S. in- telligence report, 67, 68 Christian Science Monitor, 16, 20, 41, 135, 198,215,249,259 Churchill, Winston, 89, 100, 125, 229, 239 Clark, Delbert, 50, 51, 236, 254 Clauberg, Prof. Carl, 199, 200 Clausewitz, Karl von, 108 Clay, Gen. Lucius, 205, 237 274 Index Coblentz, Gaston, 14, 132, 187, 188 Colakovic, Rodoljud, 133 Cologne, 116, 133, 149, 176, 223, 224 Committee for Christian Aid to War Prisoners, 202, 203, 206 Communists, 33, 57, 89, 101, 123, 146 Conant, Dr. James Bryant, 19-22, 121, 238 Concentration camps, 9, 22, 90, 92, 97, 100, 101, 142, 168, 177, 180, 183, ’94- ’99< 8* 1 . 22 5- 2 39 Confiscated Jewish assets, 2 1 1 Congressional Record, 137 Connell, Brian, 53, 167, 168, 242, 253 Crete, 1 1 7 Creutzfeldt, Prof. Otto, 186, 187 Cube, Wilhelm von, 47 Curtis, Sen. Carl T., 138 Czechoslovakia, 45, 51, 80, 95, 109, 125, 126, 128, 132, 169, 170, 171, 188, 198 Dachau (concentration camp), 9, 78, 90, 100, 183 Danzig, Free City of, 126, 127, 128, 132 Das Freie Wort, 30 Das Reich, 68, 88, 179 Death factories, 91 Decker, Dr. Max von, 181, 182 de Gaulle, Gen. Charles, 135, 246 Dehler, Dr. Thomas, 27, 64, 212, 218 del Valle, Gen., 138 Denazification program, 57, 84, 242 Denmark, 170 Department of State Bulletin, 16 Der AngrifJ, 68 Der Aufbau, 17, 215 Der Fortschritt, 81 Der Freiwillige, 83 Der Heimkehrer, 204 Der Mittag, 50 Der Monat, 16, 156 Der Notweg, 83 Der Reichsruf, 83 Der Ring, 83 Der Spiegel, 8, 10, 12, 13, 16, 38, 42, 43. 5 1 ‘ 54. 6 4. 68, 123, 169, 170, 172, 192, 207, 208 Der Stahlhelm, 83, 204 Der Stuermer, 157, 225 Der Sudetendeutsche, 83 Der Tag, 192 Der Weg, 83 Deutsche Freiheit, 83 Deutsche Gemeinschaft, 83 Deutsche Gemeinschaft party, 124 Deutsche Reichs party, 79, 85, 149 Deutsche Soldaten Zeitung, 66, 83, 100, 101, 114-119, 165, 197, 201, 203, 204 Deutsche Stimmen, 83 Deutsche Wehr, 109 Deutsche Zeitung, 16, 41, 53, 156, 240 Deutscher Aufbruch, 83 Deutscher Kreis, 134 Deutschland Brief, 83 “Deutschland ueber Alles,” 108, 153, ’55- ’97- »99 Diary of Anne Frank, 144 Dibelius, Bishop Otto, 17 Die Andere Seite, 201 Die Anklage, 83, 147 Die Freiheit, 1 16 Die Kultur, 70 Die Menschheit, 154, 155 Die Stimme der Vertriebenen, 129 Die Tat, 46 Die Welt, 16, 39, 40, 53, 87, 133, 145, 156, 168, 193, 194, 201, 202, 219, 222, 225, 226 Die Weltwoche, 42, 84 Die Zeit (Hamburg), 14, 16, 52, 87, 122, 123, 172 Die Zeit (Henlein’s paper in Czecho- slovakia), 123 Diel, Jakob, 148 Diels, Rudolf, 219 Dietrich, (Josef) Sepp, 68, 102, 103, 220 Dittmann, Dr. Herbert, 47, 49 Dobberstein, Werner, 157 Dobritz (Gestapo official), 177 Doctors of Infamy, 183 Dodd, Sen. Thomas J., 138 Doenitz, Adm. Karl, 106, 117, 157 Dollmann, Eugen, 71-74, 204 Doris, Dr. Fritz, 75 Dortmund, 176 Downing Street, 24 Drang nach Osten, 129, 131, 133 Dresden, 89 275 Index Duesseldorf, 24, 26, 31, 116, 145 Dulles, John Foster, 136, 245, 246 East Asia, 108 Eastern territories, 82, 111, 122 Eastland, Sen. James, 138 Eckardt, Felix von, 49, 143 Eckernfoerde, 61 Eckert, Dr. Hans, 13 Eden, Anthony, 24 Education. See Youth and education Egypt, 14, 73, 74, 93, 181, 201, 204, 209 Ehlers, Hermann, 64, 206 Ehrhard, Prof. Ludwig, 247 Eichmann, Adolf, 38, 93, 193, 194 “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuehrer,” 126 Einsatzgruppen, 97 Eisele, Dr., ex-Nazi judge, 171 Eisele, Dr. Hans, concentration camp doctor, 180, 181 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 89, 238, 239 Elbe, 256 Election returns, 59, 67 Ellender, Sen. Allen J., 138 Ellinghaus, Wilhelm, 170, 174 Emnid Agency, 84 Enemies of the state, 183 Enemy Armies East Department, 42 Erhard, Dr. Ludwig, 51 Erlangen, 226 Ernst, Dr. Robert, 69 Eschenburg, Prof. Theodor, 241 Espionage, 45, 97 Essen, 176, 201 Ethical Culture, 154 Etzel, Franz, 148 Europe, 21, 26, 86, 99, 105, 109, 112, 134, 167, 250 Europe and the German Question, European Defense Community (EDC), 24 Euthanasia, 183, 184, 187, 188, 199 Evangelical Academy, 168 Evangelical Relief Society, 45 Ex-Nazis. See (1) Adenauer adminis- tration, (2) Nazis Expellees, 17, 65, 75, 82, 130-136, 165 Ex-soldiers, 106-121 Extermination, 38, 90, 94, 95, 192-194 Fahrenbacher, Gen. Wilhelm, 75 Falkenstein, Truetzschler von, 47 False identities. See Nazi under- ground Farouk, King, 74 Fascist International (Madrid), 73 Fassbinder, Dr. Klara-Marie, 159 Federal Constitutional Court (Karls- ruhe), 170, 171 Federal Court (Karlsruhe), 59, 75, 170, 220 Federal Patent Office (Munich), 172 Federal Press Department, 44, 49, 116, 143 Federal Republic of Germany, 37, 39, 43. 7 6 – 8 3. 135. l62 > !73» 244. 25°. 257. See also Bonn Republic Federation of German Soldiers, 203 Federation of Rightist Youth Organ- izations, 227 Ferguson, Sen. Homer, 138 “Film of the Nation,” 49 Final Judgment, 98 “Final Solution” (extermination of Jews), 38, 177 Final Solution, 38 Flensburg, 182, 185, 191 Flick, Friedrich, 55, 220, 252 Floersheim (Hesse), 142 Florian, Friedrich Karl, 31 “flower festival,” 127 Foerster, Prof. Friedrich Wilhelm, 154. ’55 Forgery of foreign bank notes and documents, 46 Forschbach, Dr. Edmund, 50 Forster, Albert, 127, 128 France, 6, 49, 67, 69, 74, 81, 246 Franco, Gen. Francisco, 73 Frank, Hans, 104 Franke-Grieksch, Alfred, 112 Frankfurt, 71, 116, 121, 140, 141, 143, 171 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 12, 16, 61, 62, 76, 79, 100, 116, 126, 127, 156, 162, 186, 202, 204, 218, 224, 226 Frankfurter Hefte, 16, 76, 156, 159 Frankfurter Neue Presse, 14 276 Index Frankfurter Rundschau, 15, 16, 26, 28, 39, 47, 54, 59, 74, 78, 115, 128, 141, 142, 156, 158, 166, 172, 195, 201, 212, 226 Frauenfeld (ex-Gauleiter), 31 Frederick the Great, 108, 246 Free Democratic party, 29, 30 Freiberger, Herbert, 79, 80 Freiburg, 12, 98 Freikorps Deutschland, 77 Frey, Dr. Kurt, 229 Frick, Dr. Wilhelm, 38 Friesner, Gen. Hans, 100 Frings, Cardinal Josef, 202, 203 Fuehrerstaat, 40 Fuehrungsring, 30, 31 Galen, Count Clemens August von, 184 Garwinski (alias von Rosen), SS offi- cer, 201 Gauleiter group (Naumann circle), 31,60 Gehlen, Lt. Gen. Reinhard, 41-44, 53, 178; “Bureau Gehlen,” in world power struggle, 44; Gehlen hired by Pentagon in 1945, 42, 43; on payroll of Central Intelligence Agency, 42, 43, 178 Gelsenkirchen, 177 General Anzeiger (Bonn), 25 Geneva Conference (1959), 138 German Alliance in the East, 51, 192 German-American societies, 240 German army, 88, 112, 113. See also Bundeswehr German basic law, Article 131, 62, 217, 220 German Catholic student organiza- tions, 50 German comeback: postwar recovery, 32, 55, 243-245; Ruhr industrialists in politics, 30, 31, 63, 113, 160, 201, 2 47. 253; return to positions of power, 23, 160-162, 252 German Defense Ministry, 53, 107, 116, 118 German democracy: “Chancellor de- mocracy,” 253; “Germans do not cherish democracy,” 255; “Hitler spirit has belatedly triumphed,” 257; industrial elite wields power, 160-162, 252; linked with collapse and defeat, 255; never experienced democracy, 254; Rheinischer Mer- kur alarmed, 256; warning voices, 249; will post-Adenauer politicians wreck the Bonn Republic?, 256 German education. See Youth and education German Evangelical Church, 17 German frontiers of 1939, 135 German General Staff, 42, 43, 53, 70, 109, 112, 113 German Honor, 48 German-Israeli relations. See (1) In- demnification, (2) Israel German master race, 22, 52, 64, 95, 174; Germanische Weltherrschaft, 94; “rightful claims,” 135; “Ger- man order,” 169; “Germanization,” 95, 96, 128, 135, 198 German National party, 57 German National Student Alliance, 227 German police, 146, 176-178 German press, 16, 23, 26, 70, 169, 178, 198, 217; leading papers and pe- riodicals, 16; bribing of, 44; de- mands clean sweep of the whole war criminal problem, 204; letters to the editor, 156 German public opinion, 15, 25, 151, 238 German Reich, 54, 82, 125, 127, 130, 132 German Reichs party. See Deutsche Reichs party German Rightist parties. See Right- wing parties and organizations German Soldiers’ Federation, 100, 114 German war crimes, 103, 110, 190, 195. See also War criminals Germany, 6, 15, 17, 19, 21-23, 33, 63, 72, 81, 84, 99, 112, 118, 123-125, 134, 146, 148, 149, 151, 154, 159- 161, 170, 174, 190, ig2, 230, 236, 243. 245-25°. 253. 255-257 Germany and Freedom, 20 Germany Plots with the Kremlin, 32 Gerstenmaier, Dr. Eugen, 68, 69, 179 277 Index Gestapo, 49, 94, 97, 119, 126, 128, 166, 173, 176, 177, 178, 183, 200, 216, 219 Gilbert Youth Research Organization, 236 Gille, Alfred, 134 Gille, SS Gen. Herbert, 66, 88 Globke, Dr. Hans, 37-41, 44, 45, 49, 53- 54. 5 8 > 7°. »74. 189, 195, 220, 243 Gnilka, Thomas, 158 Goebbels, Dr. Joseph, 25, 29, 49, 68, 136, 179 Goering, Hermann, 51, 53, 215 Goethe House (New York), 240 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 20, 153 Goetze, Arthur, 146 Gore, Sen. Albert, 138 Gorgasz, Dr. Hans-Bodo, 188, 189 Goslar, 119-121 Grafeneck Institution, 184 Grenzbote, 108 Grewe, Dr. Wilhelm, 70, 109 Griessmayer, Gottfried, 112 Grimm, Prof. Friedrich, 79 Grimmelshausen Gymnasium, 5, 11, 12 Gritzbach, Dr. Erich, 218 Groeber, Archbishop of Freiburg, 98 Grohe, Josef, ex-Gauleiter, 31 Gross Deutschland, 108 Grossmann, Kurt R., 148, 152 Grosstreffen (ex-soldier rallies), 118 Gross-Wansee Conference, 94 Gruber, Rev. Dr. Heinrich, 159 Gruenwald Circle, 83, 158 Grundherr, Werner von, 45, 47 Gruson, Sydney, 41 Guede, Max, 168, 170, 173 Haas, Dr. Wilhelm, 47 Hadamar (gassing institution), 90 Haeseler, Count von, 108 Hagemann, Prof. Walter, 70 Hagen, Dr. Hans, 115 Halbauer (ex-Nazi judge), 188 Hallstein, Walter, 131, 148 Hamburg, 24, 25, 31, 60, 86, 116, 121, 129, 159, 166, 229 Hamburger Echo, 54 Hamm, 171 Handy, Gen. Thomas, 209 Hannover, 177 Hanseatic Supreme Court, 166 Hartmann, 66 Harvard University, 19, 238 Haselmeyer, Dr. Heinrich, 25 Hassel, Kai-Uwe von, 61, 186 Hausser, SS Gen. Paul, 68 Heigl, Anton, 181 “Heim ins Reich,” 54, 129 Heinburg, Dr. Kurt, 47 Heine, Heinrich, 153, 154 Heinemann, Dr. Gustav, 157, 242 Heinze-Mansfeld, Michael, 46, 158 Henlein, Konrad, 123 Henlein’s Nazi party in Sudetenland, 123 Herford, 145 Hermes, Dr. Andreas, 247 Herter, Christian, 239 Hertslet, Joachim, 148 Hess, Rudolf, 8i Hesse, State of, 141, 142, 177, 189, 194, 223, 224, 241 Hessenauer, Ernst, 157 Heuser, Dr. Georg, 177 Heusinger, Gen. Adolf, 107, 208 Heuss, ex-President Theodor, 152, 179, 198 Heyde, Dr. Werner (alias Dr. Sawade), 182-188, 191 Heydrich, Reinhart, 215 HIAG (Hilfsorganisation auf Gegen- seitigkeit der Waffen SS), 99, 102, 114,203 Himmler, Heinrich, 90, 94, 95, 103, 184,215 Hiroshima, 89 History from 1789 to the Present Day (1959 German textbook), 223 Hitler, Adolf, 6, 7, 22, 39-44, 50, 54- 57. 6 5> 7°. 72. 79- 8l > 88,’ 93-96, 98, 99, 103, 107, 108, 115, 118, 123, 125- ’29. >35. ’37. ’46. 155. 161, 166, 173, 174, 176, 178, 179, 182-184, 191, 193, 219, 221, 225, 226, 229, 252, 255 Hitler Acquitted, 83 Hitler-Papen-Hugenberg coalition, 57 Hitler Youth, 22, 60, 68, 79, 96, 97, 102, 112; BDM, female branch, 96 278 Index “Hitlerism in 1959” (Look article), 140 Hitler’s Elite Guard. See SS Hlond, Cardinal, 262 Hoefler, Heinrich, 206 Hoelderlin, Friedrich, 153 Hoess, Rudolf, 91, 92 Hoffmann, Georg Lothar, 177 Hofmeister, Dr. Werner, 178 Hoheitstraeger (high-ranking Nazi officials), 80 Holland, 67, 81 Holland, Sen. Spessard L., 138 Hoover, Herbert, 138 Home, Alistair, 30, 247 How Many World (Money) Wars Do Nations Have To Lose?, 165 Hucklenbroich, Dr., ex-Nazi judge, 172 Hugenberg, Alfred, 57 Humboldt, Wilhelm von, 20 Hungarian Jews, 92, 134, 193 Husseini, Haj Amin el, 73, 74 Ideological arsonists, 150 I. G. Farben, 100, 216, 220 Indemnification to Israel, 210-212 Indemnification to Nazi victims: Ade- nauer on, 212; “bitter complaints,” 214; often refused, 214; more than a million victims still waiting, 220; “no compensation should be paid to victims of Nazis . …” 218; no aid to victims in foreign countries, 216; restitution attacked, 148 Indemnity law, 213 Independent democratic papers, 156 Indochina, 101 “Inferior” races, destruction of, 96 Infiltration of parties, (Unterwan- derung), 29, 31, 33, 46, 60, 79 Ingrim, Dr. Robert, 131 Institute for Demoskopie, 84 Institute for Publizistik, 70 Instruments of terror, 168, 169, 174 International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, 38, 87, 89 International of Nationalists, 73 “Into the Pockets of Former Nazis,” 218, 219 “Invisible Party” (extreme Rightist groups), 64 Iraq, 45 Irredentist propaganda, 133 Israel, 8, 11, 17, 93, 159, 192, 210, 211, 213. See also Indemnification Italy, 72, 112 Jacob, Berthold, 49 Jaksch, Wenzel, 134 Jenner, Sen. William, 123 Jews, 7, 16, 94, 97, 101, 109, 129, 143, 147, 177, 178, 191, 193, 211, 216, 219, 224, 225, 226; slander against, 82, 110, 146, 157; extermination of, 38, 45, 90, 94, hi, 177, 183, 186, 192-194 Johnston, Sen. Olin D., 138 Jordan, 5 Joseph, Emperor Franz, 109 Judd, Rep. Walter H., 123, 138 Judenrein (free of Jews), 7, 38, 146, 193 Judicke, SSGen., 218 Kaghan, Theodore, 50 Kalte Machtergreifung, 1 19 Kameraden Hilfe (Hilfswerk), in Spain and Argentina, 112, 204 Kampe, Monsignor Walter, 75 Kant, Immanuel, 20 Kanter, Dr. Ernst, 170, 174, 189 Karlsruhe, 12, 59, 118, 121, 147, 169, 170 Kather, Linious, 135 Kaufmann, Karl, ex-Gauleiter, 25, 31, 112 “Kaugummi (chewing gum) soldiers,” 78 Kennan, George F., 2 1 Kernmeyer, Erich (alias Kern), 115, 116 Kersten, Rep. Charles J., 138 Kesselring, Field Marshal Albert, 1 10, 111, 114, 118-121, 198 Kharkov, 103 Khrushchev, Nikita S., 249 Kirkpatrick, Sir Ivone, 26 Kirsch, Botho, 141 Klaiber, Dr. Manfred, 54, 55 Klassenjustii, 173 279 Index Klemmer (ex-Gestapo official), 177 Klingenfuss, Karl, 45 Know Your Enemy, 109 Knowland, Sen. William, 138 Koch, Use, 205 Koeppern, 140, 141, 143, 151 Koeppern case, 140, 141, 142 Kogon, Eugen, 159 Korbach (Hesse), 194 Korea, 43, 113 Korry, Edward M„ 140, 142 Korte, Maj. Gen. Hans, 201, 203 Kraft, Waldemar, 50, 64, 70, 134, 135 Krebs, Dr. Friedrich, 219 Kreine, Werner, 53 Kremer, Hans Robert, 147 Kristallnacht, 9, 149, 193 Krock, Arthur, 206 Krueger, Dr. Werner, 49, 134 Krumey, Hermann, 134, 193, 194 Krumsiek, Carl, 145 Krupp, Alfried, 100, 220, 228, 252 Kuby, Erich, 158 Kuester, Fritz, 159 Kuwait, 93 Labor unions, 253 Lachmann, Karl, 266 Laender, 37, 55, 118, 134, 149, 165, 195, 256, 257 Lammers, Hans, 218 Lampertheim (Hesse), 142, 151 Landsberg, 181, 202, 205, 209 Langer, Sen. William, 138 Larcher, Enrico. See Dollman, Eugen Late homecomers, 180, 197, 203 Lauterbacher, Hans, ex-Gauleiter, 112 Lautz, Ernst, 219 League of Nations, 126, 127 Lebensraum, 22, 95, 108, 111, 129, 172, 174, 182 Lehmann-Russbueld, Otto, 159 Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler (L.A.H.), 88 Leipzig, 90 Lehr, Dr. Robert, 114 Lemberg (Lvov) massacre, 52, 191 Lemmer, Ernst, 1 36 Leverenz, Dr. Bernard, 187 Lewis, Flora, 222 Lex, Ritter von, 53 Liberation, 130, 131, 137, 138 Licensed newspapers, 6, 57, 115 Lidice, 97 Lieser, Kurt, 3-19 Lindrath, Dr. Hermann, 118 Lippmann, Walter, 246 Lithuania, 178, 194 Littmann, Dr., police official, 150 Lodz, 52 Loesner, Bernard, 38 London, 24, 49, 70, 89, 131, 246 London Daily Express, 42 London Daily Mail, 87, 167 London Daily Telegraph, 247 London Times, 134 Look, 140, 141, 142 Lower Saxony, 58, 59, 62, 76, 78, 119, 155. 177. 178 Ludwigsburg, 195 Lueth, Erich, 159 Lugano, 72 Luther, Dr. Hans, 248 Luther, Dr. Martin, 45 McCarthy, Sen. Joseph, 123 McCloy, John, 100, 205, 209 McCloy, Mrs., 207, 208 McCormack, Rep. John, 138 McNamara, Sen. Pat, 138 Macedonia, 38 Madrid, 26, 31, 71-74, 129 Madrid Circular Letter, 32, 129 Magnuson, Sen. Warren G., 138 Maidanek (concentration camp), 177 Main Security Office of the SS, 38, 40, 45- 46. 93 Mainz, 80 Malmedy massacre, 98, 103, 204, 206 Malmo (Sweden), 26, 73 Malone, Sen. George W, 138 Maly, Dr. Hans, 178 Man in Changing Times (German textbook), 222 Manchester Guardian Weekly, 170 Mannesmann, 220 Mannheim, 171 Manstein, Field Marshal Erich von, 110, 111 Manteufel-Scoegge, Baron von, 134 Manteuffell, Gen. Kurt von, 1 12 280 Index Marine Bund, 118 Martin, Sen. Joseph R., 138 Master race. See German master race Mauthausen, go Medical experiments, 94, 98, 180, 184 Mein Kampf, 94 Meinberg, Wilhelm, 79, 85 Meissner, Otto, 218 Melchers, Wilhelm, 47, 148 Memel, 13s Mende, Dr. Erich, 100, 101, 204 Menzel, Dr., ex-Nazi official, 61 Mercedes-Benz, 197 Merkatz, Hans von, 206 Merten, Max, 38, 39 Meyer, SS Gen. Curt (“Panzer”), 102, 107 Meyers, Franz, 253 Michael (Catholic paper), 159 Middleton, Drew, 25 Milan, 71 Militarism, 21, 111, 115 Militaristic organizations. See Ex- soldiers Minden, 178 Minsk (Poland), 177 Mitscherlich, Dr. Alexander, 183 Monatshefte fucr Auswaertige Politik, 109 Montgomery, Dr. John D., 62 Moral rearmament, 193 Moravia, 132, 198 Morgenthau, Henry, 96, 1 17 Muhs, Dr., ex-Nazi judge, 171 Mulheim, 145 Mundt, Sen. Karl E., 138 Munich, 70, n6, 118, 120, 121, 129, 132, 181, 186 Munich pact, 132, 137 Murray, Sen. James, 138 Mutual Broadcasting Network, 137 Nadolny, Count Rudolf, 247 Nagasaki, 89 Nahm, Peter, 138 Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 5, 6, 93 Nation Europa, 83, 96, 178 National Socialism, 13, 129, 130, 226, 229. See also Nazism National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), 32, 78 National Socialist Student League, 25, 122 National Zeitung (Basle), 112, 216 Nationalism, 17, 57, 63, 67, 82, 101, 103, 104, m, 156, 172 NATO, 22, 88, 107, 115, 245, 248, 253, 256 Naumann, Erich, 209 Naumann, Dr. Werner, 24, 25, 27-29, 31, 64, 68, 69, 74, 112-115, i2g, 180, 201 Naumann plot: arrest of 7 ex-Nazi officials, 24; Chancellor shocked and angered, 25; campaign against the British, 26; contact with Nazi headquarters in Madrid, 31; con- quer the state from within, 29; Dehler: “a diabolic system of in- filtration,” 27; documents captured, 28, 29, 64; General Staff of national opposition, 31; meets in strictest secrecy, 31; brought Nazis into key positions, 29; planned overthrow of Bonn regime, 25; pressure to sup- press the case, 27, 28 Navy League, 1 14 Nazis, 3, 7, 17, 32, 54, 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, 64, 65, 67, 73, 76, 77, 79-82, 85, 90, 115, 116, 119, 123, 125, 133, 134, 138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 158, 166, 168, 174, 176, 178, 179, 216, 218, 220, 223-225, 235, 236, 249-250, 256 Nazi atrocities, 82, 101, 109, 145, 146, 179, 192, 222, 239 Nazi Bund in U.S., 219 Nazi diplomats. See Bonn Foreign Office Nazi headquarters in Madrid, 31, 32, 72-74, 129 Nazi International, 73 Nazi party (NSDAP), 39, 54, 113, 147, 176, 182, 254 Nazis in action again: “a good idea badly carried out,” 82, 84; buried assets, 73; comeback of Nazi elite, 60-62, 85, 86, 161, 220, 253; con- spiracies, 71-73, 76, 77, 85, 178, 181 (see also Naumann plot); dream of a Germany-dominated Europe, 86, 249, 250; escape of war criminals, 264 (see also War criminals); false 281 Index identities, 78, 79, 209; “history [is made] by dynamic minorities,” 80; how strong?, 77, 78, 84, 241; “influ- ence is felt in all parties,” 75; in Near and Middle East, 74; propa- ganda and publications, 77, 81-84, 99, 102, 104, 115, 156, 191; one hundred Rightist groups under surveillance, 241; “ready for the final assault,” 79 “Nazis in the German Judiciary” (Manchester Guardian Weekly), 170 Nazis in the courts: a strange guard- ian of law, 165-167; “blood judges” in high positions, 170-172; courts sympathize with Nazi criminals, 168; disregard for justice, 173; law students and National Socialism, 174; legal terror squads, 169, 172; Nazi mass murderers acquitted, 167; roster of Nazi judges, 167-172 Nazism, 14, 56, 75, 81, 82, 111, 119, 150, 155, 210, 212, 243, 252, 254, 257 “Nazism is dead and buried,” 20, 23, 121,257 Near and Middle East, 74, 148, 253 Neo-Nazi publications, 83, 96, 104, 150, 158, 179 Neo-Nazis, 59, 60, 64, 67, 76, 83, 85, 86, 99, 113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 156, 161, 226, 239, 257 Neue Ruhr Zeitung, 14 Neue Zeitung, 46 Neue Zuercher Zeitung, 148 Neuhaeussler, Bishop Johann, 202 Neumann, Arthur, 172 Neumuenster, 61 Neurath, Baron Konstantin von, 95, 198 Neven-Dumont, Juergen, 221 New Germany, 23, 140, 239 New Statesman and Nation, 103 New York Daily News, 143 New York Herald Tribune, 14, 132, 150, 151, 187, 200 New York Post, 103 New York Staats Zeitung, 193 New York Times, 14, 15, 20-22, 25, 26, 41, 50, 51, 62, 65, 73, 77, 84, 89, 100, 104, 111, 133, 142-145, 161, 178, 204, 206, 207, 215, 222, 235, 241, 249 News Chronicle, 70, 167 Nieland, Friedrich, 165, 166 Nieland-Budde affair, 165-168 Niemoeller, Martin, 159 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 153 Nixon, Richard M., 239 Nobel Peace Prize, 8 1 Nonprofit Patient-Transport Corpo- ration, 183 Nordhausen (gassing institution), 90 Normandy, 102 North German Radio Network, 84 North Rhine-Westphalia, 62, 150, 176, 253 Notweg, 204 Nuremberg, 17, 82, 93, 101, 157 Nuremberg Racial Laws for the Pro- tection of the German Blood, 37, 39 Nuremberg War Crime Trials, 65, 89, 98, 101, 115; “Doctors’ Trial,” 98, 183, 184 Oberheuser, Dr. Herta, 188 Oberlaender, Prof. Theodor (Refugee Minister), 50-52, 70, 125, i32-i38 l 189, 192, 199, 243 Oberlaender affair: cabinet member since 1953, 191; accused of being involved in the Lemberg massacre, 191; advocated extermination of Jews and Poles, 192; affiliated with racial warfare section of SS, 192; commanding officer of special Nightingale task force, 191, 220; “has full confidence of the Ade- nauer cabinet,” 192; represents Chancellor at moral rearmament conference, 193; resigns under fire in i960, 193 Oder-Neisse line, 63, 124, 125, 129, i3L !35. *3 6 Of War and Peace, 230 Offenburg, 3, 11-15, 1 4*< 1 5 1 Office for the Protection of the Con- stitution, 41, 61, 178 Ohlendorf, SS Col. Otto, 1 10, 209 Ohnesorge (Reichsminister in Hitler’s cabinet), 218 Olsen, Arthur J., 111, 241 282 Index Oradour (France), 97 Ostdeutscher Beobachter, 191 Osterloh, Dr., 188 Pan-Germanism, 54, 131, 134, 155 “Panorama of the Extreme Rightists,” in Frankfurter A llgemeine Zeitung, 76 Papanek, Jan, 262 Papen, Franz von, 57, 218, 248 Paris, 30, 89, 107, 131 Pasche, Dr., prisoner at Auschwitz, Paulus, Dr. Herbert, 226 Pawelke, Dr. Guenther, 75 Pechel, Dr. Rudolf, 84 Penig (concentration camp), 90 Pentagon, 42, 43, 237 Permanent Council of the West Ger- man Educational State Ministries, 227, 229 Pfeiffer, Dr. Peter, 47, 48 Pferdmenges, Robert, 252, 253 Philbin, Rep. Philip J., 138 Piendl, Frau, 215 Pisko, Ernest S., 135, 136, 249 Pohl, Oswald, 209 Poland, 61, 95, 97, 104, 109, 110, 125- iag. »35> 1 $ 6 – l6 9- l 1*> 1 77- i9°->92. 247 Pomerania, 132 Potsdam, 32, 111, 125, 129 Potter, Sen. Charles E., 138′ POW camps, 111, 112 Prague, 126, 131, 133, 171 Preusker, Emanuel, 50, 70 Prevent World War III, 112 Priester, Karl-Heinz, 241 Prisoners of war, 97, 100, 102, 199 Propaganda Ministry, 68, 113, 124 Protestants, 59, 98, 159, 202 Protocols of the Elders of Zion, 147 Proxmire, Sen. William, 138 Prussia, 108, 117, 126, 154, 155 Puender, Dr. Herman, 247 Pullach (Bavaria), 43 Putzrath, Heinz, 150 Rabe, Paul, 145 Rademacher, Franz, 45, 46, 48, 180, 189 Raeder, Erich, 114 Ramcke, Maj. Gen. Hermann, 87-89, 115, 119, 158 Raschhofer, Prof. H., 134 Ravensbrueck (concentration camp), 216 Rechberg, Arnold, 55 Reece, Rep. B. Carroll, 123, 138 Reemtsma, Philip, 55 Refugee party (BHE), 58, 191, 194 Rehder-Knoespel, Dr., Nazi Chief Prosecutor in Prague, 171 Reich Association for Hospital and Nursing Establishments, 183 Reichenau, Field Marshal Walter von, 110, 111 Reimers, Dr., ex-Nazi judge, 172 Reinefarth, SS Gen. Heinz, 61, 190, •9i Reitlinger, Gerald, 45, 46, 52, 96 Remer, Maj. Gen. Otto Ernst, 78, 115, 119 Reparations payments to Israel. See Indemnification Restitution payments to Nazi victims. See Indemnification Reston, James, 235 Rettet die Freiheit committee, 134 Return to Power, 30, 31 Rheinischer Merkur, 16, 58, 151, 143, 150, 192, 255, 257 Rhine-Ruhr Club, 248 Rhode, Werner, 171 Ribbentrop, Joachim von, 83, 136 Ribbentrop diplomats, 31, 46, 47, 52, 54, 202, 247 Richter, Hans Werner, 83, 84 Richthofen, Bolko von, 134 Ridsdale, Sir William, 24 Right-wing parties and organizations, 27, 31, 51, 5 8, 64, 67, 68, 76, 114, 116, 134, 160-162, 227, 231 241 Rightist press 83, 104, 150, 158, 179 Robertson, Sen. A. Willis, 138 Roeder, Guido, 147 Roediger, Dr. Konrad, 170 Roehm, Ernst, 103 Roepke, Wilhelm, 155, 173, 174 Roessler, Fritz (alias Dr. Franz Richter), 78 Rome, 73, 1 10 283 Index Rommel, Field Marshal Erwin, 107 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 5, 6, 89, 100, 104, 117, 125, 136, 229 Rosenberg, Alfred, 83, 90, 218, 225 Rosen-Hoewel, Dr. Harry von, 172 Rothenberger, Kurt, 219 Rudel, Hans Ulrich, 73, 74, 115, 119, 204, 230 Rundstedt, Field Marshal Gerd von, 110 Russo-German relations: Adenauer praises Soviet Union, 248; a shrewd game of Realpolitik, 247; Bismarck’s “Reinsurance Treaty,” Rapallo Treaty, and Hitler-Stalin pact, 246- 249; visit to Moscow by Chancellor (1955), 198, 247; industrialists seek close ties with Moscow, 247; only Russia can reunify Germany, 246; “we must move very cautiously,” 248 Rust, Dr. Josef, 53 SA (Sturmabteilung, Nazi storm troopers or Brown-Shirts), 22, 50, 54, 85, 103, 122 Saar, 51, 54 Saarbruecken, 177 Sachsenhausen (concentration camp), 46, 194 Sallet, Richard, 136, 137 Salmuth, Gen. Hans von, 110 Saltonstall, Sen. Leverett, 138 Salzburg, 133 Salzgitter, 17 Santiago de Chile, 43 Saucken, Hans von, 148 Sawade, Dr. Fritz. See Heyde, Dr. Werner Scandinavia, 67 Schacht, Hjalmar, 48, 218 Schaefer, Dr. Hermann, 51, 120 Schaeffer, Dr. Fritz, 51, 69, 148, 211, 212, 216 Schallermair, Georg, 209 Scharnhorst, Gen. Gerhard D. von, 108 Scharping, Dr. Karl, 25 Schaumberg-Lippe, Princess Stephany zu, 203 Scheel, Gustav, 25, 31 Schellenberg, Walter, 42 Scherpenberg, Dr. Albert-Hilger von, 48,49 Schiller, Friedrich von, 6 Schirach, Baldur von, 81 Schlegelberger, Dr. Franz, 184, 217 Schleswig-Holstein (German cruiser), 127, 171, 176 Schleswig-Holstein, State of, 58, 59, 61, 62, 143, 157, 185, 187, 188, 191 Schlicker, Dr., storm troop officer, 52 Schlueter, Dr. Franz, 172 Schlueter, Leonhard, 157, 158, 230 Schmid, Carlos, 206, 207 Schmidt, Hans-Theodor, 209 Schneider, Gerhard, 177 Schoeppel, Sen. Andrew F., 138 School for Foreign Service, 48 Schopenhauer, Arthur, 153 Schorn, Hubert, 265 Schroeder, Gerhard, 50, 70, 220 Schroeder, SS Gen. Walter, 218 Schubert, Wilhelm, 195, 199, 200 Schuele, Dr. Erwin, 195 Schuetz, Hans, 134 Schumacher, Kurt, 63, 160 Schwarz, Werner, 47 Schwarzmann, Dr. Hans, 47 Schweinsberger, Dr. Otto, 143, 171 Schweitzer, Dr. Carl-Christoph, 227, 228 Scott, Sen. W. Kerr, 138 Seebohm, Dr. Hans Christoph, 51, 85, 125, 132, 134, 135, 136, 212, 220 Seiboth, Frank, 134 Sethe, Dr. Paul, 167 Sheldon, James H., 67 Silesia, 132, 133, 193 Simon, Friedrich, 177 Skorzeny, Otto, 73, 74, 204 Slave labor, 96, 110, 128 Social Democratic party, 37, 40, 46, 57, 63, 67, 115, 117, 121, 134, 142, 144, 148, 149, 150, 160, 168, 176-177, 187, 192, 193,212,253 Socialist Reichs party (SRP), 58, 59, 60, 75, 76, 78, 79 Sofia, 133 Sommer, Martin, 181, 194, 195 Sonnemann, Dr. Theodor, 54 Sonnenhol, T)r Gustav A., 54 284 Index Sorge, Gustav, 195, 199, 200 South German Industrial Develop- ment Organization, 43 Soviet Union, at, 42, 54, 81, 95, 109, 110, 129, 177, 178, 199, 200, 246, 248, 256 Spain, 45, 72, 73, 112, 201, 204, 209 Spandau, 106, 114, 198 Speer, Albert, 81 Speidel, Gen. Hans, 106, 107, 208 Spenler, Dr. Wilhelm, 115 Spieker, Dr. Karl, 112 SS (Hitler’s Elite Guard): Who’s Who of the Third Reich, 25, 31; Abwehr (Intelligence Bureau), 42, 43; Ahnenerbe (Institute for Heredity), 96; back in politics, 50-52, 60, 61, 65-69, 111-113; bloody record, 89, 90; campaign for relief of war crim- inals, 9g; conspiracies, 72, 76-78, 80-82; “criminal organization,” 87, 98; death factories, 91, 92; “de- fender of Western civilization,” 89, 105; Dirlewanger Brigade (com- posed of hard-core convicts), 191; doctors of infamy, 92, Einsatzkom- mandos (extermination squads), 94; espionage, 97; ex-Gestapo officials in Bonn Security Service and state police, 176, 178; extermination plan for Slavic nations, 94, 95; first post- war reunion in Verden, 88; HIAG, 99, 102, 114, 203; keeps SS spirit alive, 102; lambasting the Allies, 89, 102; Lebensborn (breeding in- stitutes for the improvement of the Nordic race), 96; looting of Europe, 97; medical experiments, 94, 98, 180, 184; propaganda, 100, 101, 104; “resettlement,” gs, Sicherheitsdienst (SD), 97, 200; “special treatment,” 95; speech by Ramcke, 88, 89; “vic- tory on the baby front,” 96 Stahlhelm (Steel Helmet), 12, 113, 114, 119-121, 203 Stain, Walter, 134 Stallrecht, Helmut, 218, 219 Steiner, Felix, 88 Steuben Society, 204 Stielau, Otto, 144 Storz, Gerhard, 149 Straus, Nathan, 23 Strauss, Franz-Josef, 53, 206, 207 Strecker, Werner, 1 15 Streicher, Julius, 123, 156, 225 Stroelin, Dr. Karl, 219 Struck, Bodo, 177 Student, Gen. Kurt, 117 Stuttgart, 171, 177 Stuttgarter Nachrichten, 26, 28, 30, 83, 112, 120, 202 Suchlicht, 83 Sudau, Ewald, 178 Sudeten Germans, 51, 83, 116, 123- 126, 129, 132, 133, 137 Sudetendeutsche Association, 124 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, 15, 16, 83, 134, 145, 156, 180, 189, 214, 227, 228 Suendermann, Helmut, 68, 69 Sulz (concentration camp), 9 Sulzberger, C. I., 73 Sumpf, Kurt, 140-142 Swastika, 7, 17, 56, 57, 120, 121, 150 Swastika-daubings, 18, 149, 150, 240 Switzerland, 49, 63, 64, 67, 72, 73, 249 Symington, Sen. Stuart, 138 Taber, Rep. John, 138 Talmadge, Sen. Herman E., 138 Tangier, 73 Tannenberg, Otto Richard, 108 Tauber, Kurt P., 161 Taubert, Dr. Eberhard, 54 Technical Emergency Service, 76 Thadden, Adolf von, 79, 80 Thayer, Charles W., 208, 242, 254 “The Bonn Rehabilitation Scandal,” in National Zeitung (Basle), 216 The German Dilemma, 213 The Living Past (1952 German text- book), 223 The Nazis in Our Midst, 75 Third power bloc, 131, 250 Third Reich, 20, 22, 74, 188, 228, 229, 252 “Thousand-Year Reich,” 50, 62 Thurmond, Sen. Strom, 138 Thye, Sen. Edward J., 138 Tichy, Alois, 47 Time, 14, 53 Toyka, Dr. Rudolf, 178 285 Index Treblinka, 91, 92, 217 Truman, Harry S, 207 Uhlig.A.W., 115 Ukrainians, 95, 129, 191 United Europe: a “Third Force,” 131, 250; Chancellor is pursuing a “tre- mendously bold plan,” 248; com- mon market scheme, 250; crusade for, 58, 117, 249; European Lebens- raum, 110; Europeans do not trust the new ally, 256; Germany aims to weaken France, 250; Nazis behind United Europe idea, 249; “Onward to Nation Europe,” 249 United Press (news service), 151 United States, 42, 45, 76, 113, 122, 137,209,213 U. S. legislators, 122, 124, 137, 138 U. S. News and World Report, 112, 113,213 U. S. policy in Germany: democratic forces ignored, 162, 254; “policy of calculated risk,” 20, 21, 235, 252, 257; two basic errors, 255; we must re-examine our German policy, 257 U. S. State Department, 20-22, 30, 68, 99, 100, 103, 122, 124, 137, 138, 205, 235-237. 2 4°- 25°. 252, 257 U. S. veterans’ organizations, 103 Universities and Nazi propaganda, 156 University of Munich, 54 University of Wuerzburg, 187 Van Berk, Hans-Schwarz, 68 Velde, Rep. Harold H„ 138 Ventzki, Werner, 52 Verden, 87, 88 Verfassungsschutzkammer (Court for the Protection of the Constitution), 166 Versailles Treaty, 5, 89, 228 Vienna, 131, 133 Vogt, Dr. Hanna, 224 Volksbote, 83, 129, 135, 137, 138 Volksdeutsche, 125, 127, 128, 129, 137 Volkswagen, 197, 240, 245 von Auen, Dr. Rudolf Lodgman, 132, 134. 137 von der Heydte, Prof. Friedrich, 254, 255 von Isenburg, Princess Helene, 203, 207, 208 von Leers, Dr. Johann, 73, 147 von Zittwitz (ex-Nazi official), 218 Voss, Dr. Adolf, 186 Voss, Dr. Wilhelm, 75 Waffen SS. See SS Wagner, Horst, 45 Walter, Rep. Francis E., 123, 138 Walzer, Werner, 6 War crime trials. See Nuremberg War Crime Trials War criminals: Adenauer: “poor devils of war criminals,” 102; Ade- nauer congratulates von Neurath, 198; Adenauer honors Kesselring, 198; appeal with 610,280 signatures rushed to White House, 209; cam- paign of mercy, 206; Cardinal Frings asked clemency, 202; Chan- cellor visits Werl Prison, 65, 66, 198; church leaders protest trials, 202; Committee for Justice and Trade defends Nazi elite, 203; com- muted by Gen. Clay, 205; escape to Spain and Egypt, 201; flowers and gifts by the carload, 200; Heusinger and Speidel pressure McCloy, 208; impact on Pentagon, 205; laws on behalf of ex-Nazis, 217; “martyrs,” 204; mockery of justice, 101; Nazis receiving full pensions, 216; parlia- mentary leaders ask clemency, 206, 207; policy of blackmail, 205; pro- test from Jewish organizations, 208; psychological blitzkrieg for, 206; re- view board appointed, 102; shelter for Ribbentrop diplomats, 202; SS men addressed by Dr. Ober- laender, 199; steering committee, 201; Stille Hilfe, 203; they “suffered for Germany,” 200; two billion marks annually paid to “old fight- ers,” 219; Washington stops execu- tions, 202 War-guilt question, 66, 104, 201 Warsaw, 61, 131, 190, 191, 198 Warsaw ghetto, 46, 97, 98, 143 286 Index Washington Post, 42, 43, 73 Watcher on the Rhine, 167, 253 Watkins, Sen. Arthur V., 138 Wedemeyer, Gen. Albert C, 138 Wegener, Paul, ex-Gauleiter, 31 Wehrmacht, 53, 60, 64, 65, 76, 98, 103, 113-116, 124, 18 7> >58» 217; an instrument to conquer, 108; army officers and war crimes, 109- 111; behavior, 108-110; and Jews, 110, 111; German General Staff, 109; “Might is Right,” 108 Weimar Republic, 58, 85, 103, 113, 116, 120, 154, 155, 156, 160, 166, 167, 174, 176, 252, 256 Weinsheimer, Lilo, 226 Weltanschauung, Nazi outlook on world events, race ideology and nationalism, 6, 7, 76, 82, 152, 154- 156 Wenger, Paul W., 188 Werl, 66, 102, 198, 209 Werz, Luipold, 55 Wesemann, Dr. Hans, 48, 49 Westarp, Count Wolf von, 78 Westerland, 191 Westerplatte, 127 Weymar, Paul, 211, 239 Wiesbaden, 143 Wiesbadener Kurier, 27 Wiking-Ruf (periodical of Waffen SS), 66, 83, 100 Wilbertz, Kurt, 80 Wilhelm II, Emperor, 107-109, 160, J74 “Wilhelmstrasse Trial,” 45 Willmy, Max, 156, 157 Willoughby, Gen. Charles, 138 Wilson, Woodrow, 132 Wirth, Dr. Joseph, 248 Wirtschaftswunder, 56, 244 Wisliceny, Dieter, 93 WMCA (radio station), 23 Wochenzeitung (Zurich), 112 Wolf, SS Gen. Karl, 217 Wolff, Jeanette, 142, 143 Wolfram, Dr. Erich, 52 Wolzek (extermination camp), 91 “World Jewry,” 148, 165 World War I, 154, 156, 160, 252 World War II, 72, 78, 103, 117, 126, 127, 129, 135, 169, 223, 245, 252 World War III, 165 Wuerzburg, 121, 184 Wuppertal, 171, 172 Wurm, Theophil, 202 Yalta, 5, 117, 125, 129 Young, Sen. Milton R., 138 Youth and education: annual pil- grimages to concentration camp sites, 159, 230; Bundeszentrale fuer Heimatdienst issues books on Nazi past, 227; democratic manifestations of youth groups, 229; distorted his- tory in German school books, 222, 223, 228; glamorized versions of Nazi era in magazines and motion pictures, 227; majority of parents harbor Nazi ideologies, 223; “Nazi bacillus still virolent,” 225; neo- Nazi youth organizations, 227; “Our fathers were Nazis and so are we,” 223; surveys reveal attitude of stu- dents, 221, 224; teachers and text- books, 62, 222-224, 226; trauma of the Thousand-Year Reich, 224 Zaehringer Hof, 4, 5, 11, 13 Zimmermann, Paul, 25 Zind, Ludwig Pankratz, 4-14, 143, 144 Zink, Harold, 264 Zinn, August, 77 Zuchbold, SS Col. Julius, 80 J* ‘ MB nun ABOUT THE AUTHOR T. H. TETENS, a leading expert on German geo- politics, was born in Berlin and worked in Germany during the 1920’s as an economist and newspaper edi- tor. For more than thirty years he has studied the Pan- German movement, the Nazi party, and the strategic theories of German geopolitics. When Hitler came to power Mr. Tetens was put in a concentration camp. He escaped to Switzerland in 1934. There, in pamphlet and newspaper articles, he foretold the coming German assault on Europe. In 1938 Mr. Tetens came to the United States. He undertook research work on German problems for gov- ernment agencies and private organizations. From 1946 to 1947 he served with the U. S. War Crimes Commission in Washington. Mr. Tetens is the director of the Library on Ger- manic and Related International Problems. He has written several books on the German question, the most recent being Germany Plots with the Kremlin. T.H. Tetens, a leading expert on German geopolitics, was born in Berlin and worked during the 1920’s in Germany as an economist and newspaper editor. For more than thirty years he has studied the Pan-Germanic movement, the Nazi party, and the strategic theories of German geopoli- tics. When Hitler came to power, Mr. Tetens was put in a concentration camp. He escaped to Switzerland in 1934. There in pamphlet and newspa- per articles he foretold the coming German assault on Europe. In 1938, Mr. Tetens came to the United States and began research on German problems for government agencies and private organizations, From 1946 to 1947, he served with the U.S. War Crimes Commission in Washington. Mr. Tetens is the director of the Library on Germanic and Related International Problems. He has written several books on the German question, the most recent being Germany Plots with the Kremlin.

The Ghost Rockets Documentary – A Story of Friendship and UFOs

Robert D Morningstar's picture
Ghost rockets over Sweden 1946

The Ghost Rockets Documentary

A Story of Friendship and UFOs

 Press Release

Edited by Robert D. Morningstar


A Ghost Rocket captured on film flying over Sweden – 1946

The Background Story

The Surface of Lake Kolmjarv – A Ghost Rocket Crash Site (above)

Sketch of bottom profile of Lake Kolmjarv, produced by

Swedish crash investigators  (above)


In 1946, the “Ghost Rockets” mystery made headline news across Europe, the United States, Canada and around the World



The Ghost Rockets Documentary

The Ghost Rockets documentary is a personal portrait of the members of UFO-Sweden and their ongoing attempts to solve one of Scandinavia’s biggest UFO Mysteries.

Every year, the organization UFO-Sweden receives numerous reports about inexplicable occurrences – usually dismissed as having to do with the moon, airplanes, satellites or mental instability on the part of the witness.

Sometimes, though, they get a report that they are unable to explain, one of them being the story of the ghost rockets of 1946.

Under the leadership of journalist Clas Svahn, the organisation starts a costly expedition trying to find the strange craft.

It’s thrilling premise notwithstanding, Ghost rockets is not primarily a film about UFOs.   It is a film about enthusiasts with a fervent interest, about an organisation struggling with their finances and shrinking membership numbers, about annual meetings over coffee and pastry, about existential issues debated in the summer night and about our need to believe that the world is bigger than we think.

The Directors 

Kerstin Übelacker has worked as head of the documentary screening network Doc Lounge with venues across 14 cities in 4 different countries.

Kerstin has freelanced as a transmedia producer and has aMasters in Film at Gothenburg University. She is currently working as a producer at Momento Film inStockholm.

Michael Cavanagh has studied film and television at QSFTand RMIT in Australia.

Michael and Kerstin have previously completed the documentary The Leftovers (38 min), screened on film festivals and broadcasted on SVT and YLE. As well as making films, Michael works as a colorist, currently at Way Creative in Malmö, Sweden.

Ghost Rockets Investigation Portal
Crowd-sourced investigation into a military archive

To the UFO Investigation …

In 1946, Sweden’s skies were haunted by the Ghost Rockets, puzzling both the military and the Swedish public alike.

Recently the Swedish National Archives released the documents surrounding the investigation and made them available to the public for the first time.  As part of theGhost Rockets project, we have scanned all these documents and built an online investigation platform so that a potentially global UFO research team can access them.

With today’s technology, UFO enthusiasts from all over the world can help out by searching through these documents and, perhaps, find something inside these Ghost Rocket UFO reports, a clue, a pattern, something that the Swedish military may have missed way back in the mid-1940s & 50s. 


Website // Trailer  // Film Pre-Order // Investigation Portal

Kerstin Übelacker (Director)
+46 707 760258

Access to film
A private link of the finished film can be provided ahead of intended release for review purposes upon request.

Clas Svahn, head of UFO-Sweden and the main character of the documentary along with the filmmakers Michael Cavanagh and Kerstin Übelacker are available for interviews on all medias, Podcast, Web TV and Press.